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INSTITUTE OF SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS RESEARCH 
AMERICAN VILLAGE STUDIES 


EDMUND DES. BRUNNER, Director 


UNITED CHURCHES 


The Institute of Social and Religious Research, 
which is responsible for this publication, was organ- 
ized in January, 1921, as the Committee on Social 
and Religious Surveys. It conducts and publishes 
studies and surveys and promotes conferences for 
their consideration. The Institute’s aim is to com- 
bine the scientific method with the religious motive. 
It codperates with other social and religious agencies, 
but ts itself an independent or ganization. 

Lhe directorate of the Institute is composed of: 
John R. Mott, Chairman; Trevor Arnett, Treas- 
urer; Kenyon L. Butterfield, Recording Secretary; 
James L. Barton, W. H. P. Faunce and Paul 
Monroe. Galen M. Fisher is Executive Secretary. 
The offices are at 370 Seventh Avenue, New York 
City. 


UNITED CHURCHES 


BY i ~ FEB 17 1927. 
ELIZABETH R. ‘HOOK LAL ooops seni 








NEW a YORK 


GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY 


COPYRIGHT, 1926, 
BY GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY 


UNITED CHURCHES 
poe tee 
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 


FOREWORD 


The material upon which this volume is based was 
gathered as part of the comprehensive study of American 
agricultural villages conducted by the Institute of Social and 
Religious Research between January, 1922, and December, 
1925. 

From time to time in the past few years tentative ap- 
proaches have been made to the Institute to undertake a 
study of local church union. Such a study, it was sug- 
gested, should investigate the relation of church union to the 
condition that has been known, somewhat vaguely, as “‘over- 
churching,” and should take account of such questions as 
the various kinds of union attempted, the successes and fail- 
ures registered and the methods that have actually been 
employed in uniting churches. 

At an early stage in the field work of the study of Ameri- 
can agricultural villages it became apparent that a consider- 
able amount of data bearing upon local church union could 
be gathered conjointly with the material for the larger study. 
It was found, for example, that villages had more churches 
per unit of population than any other type of community, 
and that the problems arising from this condition were often 
a matter of grave concern to village inhabitants. In some 
cases definite attempts to solve the problem had been made 
by means of the united church, and in other cases, even 
though no such concrete attempt had been made, a consider- 
able sentiment in favor of church union of some sort was 
discovered. 

It was decided, therefore, to undertake, as a section of 
the larger study, an investigation of experiments in church 
union as found in American agricultural villages. Obviously 
the sample of villages chosen for the rest of the study was 
too small to furnish a sufficient number of cases of church 

v 


vi FOREWORD 


union on which to base conclusions. Additional cases of 
united churches of one kind or another located in rural 
communities were therefore selected for investigation in this 
section of the study. Use was also made of material already 
in the files of the Institute and of mail questionnaires. 

This section of the American Village Study was largely 
in the hands of Miss Elizabeth R. Hooker, who planned the 
investigation, surveyed three-fourths of the churches visited, 
and is the author of this report. 

EDMUND DES. BRUNNER. 


INTRODUCTION 


THE MovEMENT Towarp Loca, CHurcH UNION 


Churches combining elements of more than one denomina- 
tional origin, which were almost unknown a generation ago, 
have been increasing in number rapidly, especially since 
1910, throughout the northern and western parts of the 
United States. Several types of union have appeared, those 
generally recognized being the federated church, the unde- 
nominational church, and the denominational church uniting 
diverse elements; and the examples of each type show con- 
siderable variety. 

These unions, many of which have been opposed by de- 
nominational leaders, have to a large extent been brought 
about through local initiative. Popular interest in the move- 
ment is indicated by the frequency of references in periodi- 
cals, secular as well as religious—publications as various as 
dignified monthlies, farm journals, woman’s magazines, and 
even daily papers—to “the evils of church competition,” 
and to specific experiments in union. This interest has 
naturally been stimulated by the union of denominational 
bodies in Canada. In many little villages scattered all the 
way from New England to Southern California, the store- 
keeper, the garage man, the doctor and the farmer are talk- 
ing about how they may make their two or three or four 
churches into one. 

Concern about the spread of the movement is plain in 
certain annual reports of denominational officials who some- 
times express hope in its possibilities for good, but oftener 
betray alarm as to what appear to them to be the dangers of 
at least two of the usual types of union. Concerning prob- 
lems of united churches, the Presbyterian General Assembly 
and the Methodist Episcopal General Conference have 

Vil 


Viii INTRODUCTION 


several times taken formal action. Partly in consequence of 
this movement, interdenominational agencies have been 
established in many states. 


Way THE MovEMENT SHOULD BE STUDIED 


The numerous references, in and out of print, to united 
churches of all kinds, exhibit phenomenal vagueness and 
contrariety. For example, the hard-worked expression, 
“community church,” is employed in at least six different 
senses. ‘The undenominational type of union is believed by 
some to constitute the one hope for religion in the future, by 
others to be subject to such perils that it almost invariably 
fails within a few years; and fully as much divergence of 
opinion prevails regarding the denominational united church 
and regarding the federated church. 

A few books have been published on the subject, but the 
devoted authors of these would be the first to say that they 
had acted merely as scouts who had brought back word of 
the extent of the field to be surveyed. Phenomena so multi- 
form and so widespread cannot be investigated adequately 
without an expenditure of money prohibitive to an individ- 
ual; and what has so far been published has necessarily been 
based upon knowledge of a small number of examples. 

Authoritative information, the lack of which is particularly 
to be regretted, would be of use to many persons: to leaders 
in communities in which the question of union is being 
considered; to the officers of united churches already or- 
ganized, who face problems upon which they need light 
from the combined experience of older cases of union; to 
ministers serving united churches; to theological students 
who may serve united churches; to many hundreds of con- 
scientious and greatly puzzled denominational superin- 
tendents whose duties oblige them to give advice and to take 
responsible action concerning the formation of united 
churches; and to those denominational leaders who deter- 
mine policies regarding home-mission aid, ministerial sup- 
ply, and like matters affecting the welfare of united 
churches, and even their existence. In each of the groups 


INTRODUCTION ix 


indicated there are many individuals to whom it is of vital 
importance to obtain knowledge quickly, since otherwise they 
must make important decisions in ignorance of the results 
of experience. 

That many of these persons are aware of their need of 
enlightenment and are eager to obtain it, is indicated by their 
appeals for information. It is the unanimous testimony of 
the ministers of prominent united churches, and even of 
men who may have delivered a single address or published a 
single article on the subject, as well as of editors of maga- 
zines known to be sympathetic to the movement, that in- 
quiries are constantly sent to them from many parts of the 
country. 


OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY 


The primary objective of this study was to investigate the 
united churches of several different types that had arisen as 
substitutes for the competing denominational churches found 
in so many American villages. 

It was intended to provide in some small degree, as the 
American Village Study proper provided on a much larger 
scale, facts that might serve as data for sociologists and also 
inform the practice of religious leaders. 

Other objectives of the study are these: 

To provide church and community leaders with informa- 
tion as to how different communities have united their re- 
ligious forces. 

To record for the officers of united churches the experi- 
ence of many unions in meeting their common problems. 

To help in many ways not only the ministers of united 
churches, but theological students looking forward to such 
fields. 

To aid denominational superintendents by throwing light 
on their problems of oversight in situations involving actual 
or prospective union. 

To furnish denominational leaders and officials of inter- 
denominational agencies information bearing on problems 
concerning comity relations, home-mission aid, ministerial 
supply, and the like, as these are related to united churches. 


x INTRODUCTION 


THE FIELD 


The field is the United States exclusive of the South. The 
South was omitted because it had very few united churches. 
The states covered number thirty and are situated in New 
England, in the Middle Atlantic States, in the Middle West, 
in the region of the Rocky Mountains, and on the Pacific 
Coast. The line between North and South, drawn some- 
what arbitrarily—in part for convenience in travel—follows 
Mason and Dixon’s line and the Ohio River, leaves out 
Missouri except for a single case surveyed, passes north of 
Oklahoma, and includes Southern California. 

Within these limits attention has been paid only to cases 
of union in what in the surveys of the Institute of Social 
and Religious Research is denominated “town and country” 
area; that is, in communities where the population of the 
center is less than 5,000. The situation of united churches 
in suburbs and cities is so peculiar that to have included 
them would have clouded the issues. On the other hand, 
the problems of united churches in small places are essen- 
tially the same, whatever the population of the center. 
Therefore, the united churches listed and considered 
statistically in this study include, not only those in villages, 
which form the majority, but those in hamlets, a few in 
towns and a few in the open country. 


How THE Stupy Was MaApE 
LIST OF CASES OF UNION 


The first step in the investigation was to prepare a list 
of cases of union. Traces of possible cases of union were 
obtained from the statistics of certain denominations, the 
most help of this kind being derived from the Congrega- 
tional Year-Book. ‘The secretaries of two state federations 
of churches provided lists of the unions in the states in 
question, and a more general list was furnished by a leader | 
in the community-church movement. Letters were sent to 
about 500 denominational superintendents, asking them to 


INTRODUCTION xi 


list for the study the cases of union of the different types 
situated within the limits of their fields. To doubtful 
churches, form letters of inquiry were addressed. The evi- 
dence obtained from all these sources was embodied in a 
card index that served as a tentative list, to be checked later. 


MAIL SCHEDULES 


To the minister of each of the churches listed—or fail- 
ing a minister, to some other informant—there was mailed a 
printed schedule accompanied by a covering letter. This 
schedule consisted of four pages, three of which applied to 
all types of union, while the fourth, of which there were 
three variants, concerned the features peculiar to one of the 
types. The questions did not touch those points reported in 
denominational statistics, but concerned such matters as en- 
vironment, factors effecting union, minister, organization, 
property, and relations with denominational agencies. Some 
responses showed that the supposed cases of union had been 
listed in error; many schedules were not returned, even after 
follow-up postal cards had been despatched ; and others were 
returned so nearly blank as to be of little use. But there 
were received 324 schedules furnishing useful information, 
a considerable number being accompanied with explanatory 
letters; and many, both of the schedules and of the letters, 
had been prepared with a fullness, a care for accuracy, and 
an insight into the local situation, that rendered them, taken 
all together, a priceless part of the survey material. 

At later stages of the investigation, a one-page schedule 
was addressed to ministers or other leaders of undenomina- 
tional churches, to secure with respect to churches of this 
type information comparable to that provided by denomina- 
tional statistics ; and again, a one-page schedule was sent out 
to church leaders in places where union had been attempted 
and abandoned. A fair proportion of schedules of both 
these kinds was returned with useful information. 


xii INTRODUCTION 


CORRESPONDENCE 


In speaking of the list of united churches, reference was 
made to letters to denominational superintendents. These 
letters included also inquiries about dates of union, failures, 
churches deserving survey, and the like. The response of 
these busy men was generous both as regards the number 
of replies—which corresponded to over 40 per cent. of the 
number of inquiries, and in the Colonial area, to over 60 per 
cent.—and in respect to the fullness of the information sup- 
plied. Some superintendents also responded to later in- 
quiries, and even volunteered information. The representa- 
tives of several state interdenominational agencies have also 
been most helpful through their letters, as have many others. 


STATISTICAL CARDS 


Since it was desired that the study should make the fullest 
possible use of the data afforded in denominational statis- 
tics, large cards were prepared, with printed column-head- 
ings. Upon these cards were entered data for every united 
church for which the facts were available, and so far as 
possible for each unit of every federated church. In cases 
in which union resulted from the combination of existing 
churches, an attempt was made to obtain statistics for the 
combining units for the year before union. As more of 
these churches had been during that year parts of circuits, 
and as some of them had been inactive, this information was 
obtainable for a much smaller number; but it was entered on 
the cards for 167 federated churches. For two groups of 
federated churches, totalling thirty-eight cases, similar data 
were obtained for four different years. 


STATISTICAL TABLES 


The data entered upon these cards, and other data pro- 
vided by schedules, were used as material for many statis- 
tical tables. 


INTRODUCTION ) xiii 


MAPS 


For each of the thirty states for which churches were 
listed, a map was prepared, upon which was indicated the 
location of every united church, those of each type being 
distinguished by special signal marks. ‘These maps were 
useful in studying environmental conditions affecting union. 
The state maps were combined in a map of the entire field. 
Another inclusive map was prepared to show the location of 
the churches surveyed. Both these inclusive maps are re- 
produced in this book. 


FIELD SURVEYS 


Field surveys of eighty-three united churches were also 
utilized for the study, all these surveys having been made 
by investigators of the Institute of Social and Religious Re- 
search. The churches to be surveyed were chosen to repre- 
sent all types of union, with a few examples of combina- 
tions approaching union and several cases of abandoned ex- 
periments; and also to cover typical conditions under which 
united churches develop; to cover all areas of the field 
chosen ; and to represent different stages of union and differ- 
ent degrees of amalgamation. The cases surveyed included 
more examples of strength than of weakness, and some 
notable examples of success. 


INTERVIEWS 


A part of the program of travel almost as important as 
the surveys of united churches, consisted of interviews with 
denominational and interdenominational leaders, and with 
others well informed as to the movement, such as state 
Sunday-school secretaries and rural sociologists. The de- 
nominational and interdenominational superintendents in 
charge of districts or of states visited gave freely of their 
time and help. Through their assistance it was possible to 
check up the list of united churches, and to procure informa- 


xiv INTRODUCTION 


tion about more than 600 specific cases of union, so that 
about a large proportion of the denominational and the fed- 
erated unions more is known than the mere existence. Those 
interviewed also explained interdenominational relations in 
their fields, and described the workings of interdenomi- 
national agencies where any existed. Many expressed freely 
their views of the different types of union. These expres- 
sions of opinion were felt to be especially valuable, because 
they had been formed through personal contacts with sev- 
eral—sometimes with many—united churches; through per- 
sonal contacts, moreover, in which responsibility had sharp- 
ened selected intelligence. The judgments of these super- 
intendents were the more suggestive in that they were often 
contradictory. Consultation with authorities on rural con- 
ditions threw additional light on the situation. Altogether, 
more than 145 interviews were obtained independently of 
the surveys. 


OUTLINE OF THE Book 


The first part of the book will enumerate factors tending 
to undermine the barriers between rural churches of differ- 
ent denominations and will give a brief history of the 
development of the different types of united churches. 

Part II will characterize each of four types of united 
churches, and will present comparisons of united churches 
and the average church, and comparisons of different types 
of united churches. 

Part III will show how united churches, without regard 
to type, met their various puzzling problems. 

Part IV will describe endeavors on the part of denomina- 
tions and state interdenominational agencies to codrdinate 
united churches and the existing religious order. It will also 
summarize the findings of the study. 


INTRODUCTION xv 


Wuy Names ArE Not Usep 
NAMES OF PLACES 


Since the materials utilized for the book included eighty- 
three surveys, 175 constitutions, 428 schedules of various 
kinds, and notes on interviews with denominational super- 
intendents concerning more than 600 cases of union, it 
would have been easy to enliven the discussion with anecdotes 
about particular united churches. This was not done, for 
the following reasons. In the first place, the purpose here 
is to explain general tendencies. Most of the statements 
made are true of many instances. When a specific case is 
cited, this is used as being representative of many others. 
To give the geographical location would center attention 
on the example rather than on the tendency. Again, the 
investigators were told many things in confidence; and to 
draw the line between what might and what might not be 
repeated would often be extremely difficult. Finally, rapid 
changes are taking place. What was true of a given church 
in 1924, might not be true of it in 1926. Yet it would con- 
tinue to be true of many unnamed churches, and might have 
become true of many others since the period of observation. 


NAMES OF PERSONS 


Both for matters of fact and for explanations, the survey 
is indebted, as has been said, to the testimony of hundreds 
of persons, including church officers, ministers, denomina- 
tional superintendents, and many others. Valuable ideas 
were often imparted in conversation, which sometimes grew 
semi-confidential. To quote such dicta, ascribing each to its 
source, would necessitate submitting versions to many busy 
men. Moreover, in the course of months of travel, the same 
opinions were heard from a number of different authorities. 
Further, it may be said that to ascribe to particular ministers 
or denominational superintendents the practices with respect 
to united churches which they may have originated, would be 


xvi INTRODUCTION 


open to the same objections that were adduced to explain 
why no use is made of the names of places. 

The book includes only a very few tables and these are 
printed in an appendix. This does not mean that the state- 
ments of the book, simple as they purposely are, are not 
based upon statistical calculations. The contrary is the fact. 
A goodly pile of tables have been prepared, and are on file 
at the headquarters of the Institute of Social and Religious 
Research. To make possible some of the simplest statements 
has required tabulation and calculation requiring hours, 
days, or even weeks. If it is here stated that a certain con- 
dition prevails in four out of five cases, the statement is not 
based upon guess-work; the cases have been counted, and 
the condition described has been found to prevail for ap- 
proximately 80 per cent. 


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 


It must already be plain that this study has been favored 
with the assistance of many people. The different individ- 
uals who have responded to the various inquiries by mail 
alone, number well over 1,000. The number of persons inter- 
viewed it would be impossible to reckon. To all these the 
study is indebted for information that could be secured only 
from witnesses, and also for the stimulus derived from their 
frequent expressions of need for information. 

A sense of gratitude is therefore expressed for the pa- 
tience and courageous frankness of ministers and other 
church workers ; for the generous gifts of time and informa- 
tion by denominational superintendents, interdenominational 
secretaries, and other experts interviewed; and for the valu- 
able replies to questions, and for the interpretation of local 
conditions, by which many correspondents have enlarged the 
body of information upon which the conclusions of the study 
are based. 


CHAPTER 


CONTENTS 


FoREWORD 
INTRODUCTION 


PART I: DEVELOPMENT 
DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES 


PARK Foliav EY PES 


Tue FEDERATED CHURCH . : 
THe UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH . 


‘THe DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH . 


THE AFFILIATED CHURCH 
CoMPARISONS 


PART III: PROBLEMS 


ComMBINING ForcEs 
CRGANIZATION 

Basis oF MEMBERSHIP 
SERVICES OF WorsHIP 
FINANCES AND PROPERTY 
LEADERSHIP , 
SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY 
OTHER CHURCHES 
BENEVOLENCES 


PART IV: ADJUSTMENTS 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 


ADJUSTMENTS BY STATE INTERDENOMINA- 


TIONAL AGENCIES 
FINDINGS 


APPENDIX ; 
XVil 


109 


131 
138 
153 
163 
175 
193 
207 
7 
234 


249 


275 
286 


289 


ae 





DIAGRAMS 


DIAGRAM 
NUMBER 


I 


II 


III 


IV 


VI 


Map SHOWING THE LocaTion oF 977 UNITED 
CHURCHES 


Mar SHOWING THE LOCATION OF THE EIGHTY- 
THREE UNITED CHURCHES SURVEYED . 


Per Caprra ‘ToTaL EXPENDITURES OF 
StricTtLy DENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES AND 
oF UNITED CHURCHES 


AVERAGE LocAL EXPENDITURES OF STRICTLY 
DENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES AND OF UNITED 
CHURCHES 


AVERAGE BENEVOLENCES OF STRICTLY DENOM- 
INATIONAL CHURCHES AND OF UNITED 
CHURCHES 


Per Capira BENEVOLENCES OF STRICTLY DE- 
NOMINATIONAL CHURCHES AND OF UNITED 
CHURCHES. : : ! 


PAGE 


28 


37 


115 


117 


120 


I2i 





BART 
DEVELOPMENT 


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Wr ua be 
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PART I: DEVELOPMENT 


Chapter I 
DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES 


To understand the union of churches in small communi- 
ties it is necessary to take into consideration certain changes 
that have been operating in American life for the past 
thirty or forty years. These changes have been of two 
kinds: on the one hand changes in environment, resulting in 
economic pressure that has forced churches to unite or per- 
ish; and on the other hand the development through many 
influences of a new attitude toward neighbors of other de- 
nominations. 

Many communities that in 1890 supported several churches 
found the task increasingly difficult during the next thirty 
years. The new situation was brought about by one or more 
of the following changes in environment: 

Decline in number of inhabitants. 

Shifts in population, whereby Protestants were replaced 
by Catholics, or an element of one denomination was re- 
placed by families of some other denomination or by families 
without any religious adherence. 

Loss by death, or by removal, of individual supporters of 
particular churches, not compensated for by the acquisition 
of new adherents. 

Decline of economic prosperity, either agricultural or in- 
dustrial or both. 

Lack of increase in incomes in proportion to the general 
rise in the cost of living. 

The increased cost of maintaining churches. 

These changes, operating singly or in combination, exerted 
an economic pressure that forced many churches to live to- 
gether if they would not die apart. 

During the same period there came about a modification 

23 


a 


24 UNITED CHURCHES 


of the attitude of country people toward sectarian divisions. 
It was induced by: | 

New environmental influences resulting from the improve- 
ment of roads, the use of automobiles, the consolidation of 
schools, and the introduction of rural delivery, of news- 
papers, of the telephone and of the radio. 

The habit of united action through farmers’ organizations, 
business men’s clubs, parent-teacher associations, and the 
like, 

The development of the community ideal. 

The net result of these and of similar changes was a de- 
crease in sectarian spirit. 


Ris—E oF UNITED CHURCHES 


The “union church” is not a new thing. Long ago there 
arose many instances in New England and some in the 
Middle West. Most of these union churches either died, 
or allied themselves with some denomination. In the list of 
town and country united churches prepared in 1924, there 
were but three undenominational churches that had been or- 
ganized before 1890, and one of these had recently been 
revived after a long period of inactivity. 

Several forms of association not constituting organic 
union long exercised a gradually permeating influence. 
Joint use of a union church building by two or more denomi- 
national groups, which might or might not be organized 
churches, general during the days of settlement, continued 
to be a common practice in new communities and in districts 
sparsely settled. To an increasing extent individuals of one 
denomination shared in the worship, in the support and in 
the activities of a church of a different denomination. This 
became pretty generally a temporary expedient when one 
of two or more churches in a community was without a 
pastor. It was adopted as a regular practice by the sur- 
vivors of many inactive churches. It also occurred fre- 
quently where newcomers entered communities having no 
church of their own denomination, especially communities 
with but one church and that a live and tolerant one. The 


DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES) 25 


yoking under one minister of two weak churches of differ- 
ent denominations within a few miles of each other became 
more frequent, permanent formal arrangements being not 
uncommon. Union services, too, were held in many com- 
munities, either regularly or on special occasions, sometimes 
over a long period of years. In 1919 and 1920, the Inter- 
church World Movement induced the leaders of all the 
churches in many places to face together the local religious 
needs. All these contacts promoted mutual understanding 
and the spirit of fellowship. 
_ The movement toward the organic union of churches did 
not begin till an advanced stage of the drift of open-country 
population toward the villages and cities, which gathered 
momentum between the Census periods of 1870 and 1890. 

The earliest federated church, so far as has been discov- 
ered, was formed in 1887 in a declining community in 
Massachusetts in which two churches no longer financially 
able to exist separately tried the experiment of forming a 
partnership for all local activities. Though the decline of 
the community continued, this earliest federated church still 
lived in 1924. 

That the rural church was in a serious condition began to 
be recognized by denominational leaders as early as 1890. 
In that year a meeting was held in Maine that led to the 
organization in the following year of the Interdenomina- 
tional Commission of that state, the pioneer agency of this 
kind. It was influential in molding public opinion not only 
in its home field, but in other states of New England. 
Within a few years, similar organizations were formed in 
Rhode Island, in Vermont, and in Massachusetts. These 
bodies, through codperation among denominational officials, 
exerted influence against the organization of new competing 
churches; and, especially in Vermont and Massachusetts, 
helped toward the union of already existing churches. The 
earliest existing federated church in Vermont, organized in 
1899, was said in 1924, by local leaders still living, to have 
been suggested by denominational officials. Another fed- 
erated church organized two years later, owes its origin to 
the fact that a doctor came home from a denominational con- 


26 UNITED CHURCHES 


ference full of new ideas received from an address on 
“Lessons from the Trusts for the Churches.” He stirred up 
local sentiment for federation; and he and other local leaders 
made their own constitution for a federated church. This 
case illustrates an interaction of local and official leadership 
that was a striking phase in the development of the move- 
ment in New England, although the local leadership was 
the decisive factor. | 

The number of united churches increased very slowly, 
one by one. Only forty-four that survived in 1924 had been 
formed by the beginning of 1912. Of these, fourteen were 
federated churches ; fourteen, including the three dating from 
the earlier period, were undenominational churches; and 
sixteen were united churches of the denominational type. 
All but three of the federated churches and more than half 
the undenominational churches were in New England, where 
the effects of a decline in both population and prosperity 
were keenly felt. Of the denominational united churches, 
on the other hand, only three were in New England, the 
other thirteen being in the Middle West and on the Pacific 
coast. 

About 1912, federated churches began to be formed in 
many states; and in the following years the number formed 
increased rapidly. Although during the year 1911 there 
had been only two new federations—all these figures are for 
unions surviving in 1924—1in 1912 there were eight; in 1913, 
twelve; in 1914, eighteen. In 1915 the number of new 
federations dropped to seven, and the following year it was 
only nine. This falling off seems to have been a result of 
the war in Europe. People’s attention was diverted from 
neighborhood concerns; and agricultural prosperity, resulting 
from America’s position as purveyor to the world, relieved 
the pinch of necessity. With the entry of the United States 
into the war in 1917, changed conditions stimulated union. 
The release of ministers for service as chaplains and 
Y.M.C.A. workers left many churches without pastors. The 
rise in cost of living increased the expense of maintaining 
churches, while at the same time decreasing the margin out 


DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES) 27 


of which church contributions were paid. Coal, in particular, 
was not only high in price but was so much needed for war 
purposes that patriotism as well as poverty urged economy in 
the use of it. Red Cross activities and Liberty bond drives 
accustomed people to common activities. As one schedule 
put it, “The people worked together during the war and 
got acquainted.” Many churches formed a partnership, 
either definitely as an emergency measure, or tentatively, 
with the hope of permanence if all went well; or they found 
war motives and war idealism the last straw needed to 
carry them to the decision to join together in a permanent 
union. The number of new federations jumped from nine 
in 1916 to twenty-one in 1917, thirty-three in 1918, and 
forty-three in 1919. 

After that, the immediate effects of the war being well 
past, the number of new federations was in most years 
smaller; yet in 1923, the latest year for which full informa- 
tion could be obtained, the number of new federations that 
survived in 1924 was twenty-eight, an average of more than 
one a fortnight. 

The development of undenominational churches followed 
much the same course. For denominational united churches 
it was impossible to get complete information, since dates 
could be inferred from figures in denominational reports 
only for consolidated churches—that is, those formed by the 
combination of two or more existing church organizations. 
Of this class, the number formed annually increased suddenly 
in 1920, partly through the influence of state federations of 
churches and home-missions councils started after the war. 


UNITED CHURCHES IN 1924 
In 1924, the number of united churches found in the town 


and country area of the northern and western states was 
977. ‘They were distributed among four types as follows: 


Federated churches ....... AiR ee We 
Undenominational churches .......... Ak yy 


28 UNITED CHURCHES 


Denominational united churches ........ 491 
PATHMAted  CHUTCHES Sk ea gases alas iplatnr eres 


The figure for federated churches included virtually all 
examples in the field studied. That for undenominational 
churches included nearly all. The figures for denominational 
united churches, however, was probably too small, as the 
united churches of this type were much harder to identify. 
After the list was made, many new unions were doubtless 
formed; for example, in the first six months of 1925 four 
new federations were formed in one small state. 

The comparative numbers of united churches of all types 





° i a i ) 
Seale of Adstes 


DIAGRAM I, MAP SHOWING THE LOCATION OF 977 UNITED CHURCHES, 


taken together in the different regions? of the field studied, 
corresponds roughly to the numbers of churches of the 
traditional kind. That is, they were most numerous in the 
Middle West, the Northern Colonial area ranking next in 


1In the statistical tables, the affiliated churches were included among 
denominational united churches. 

2The regional terms used in this book are applied as follows: 

“Northern Colonial’: New England, New York, New Jersey, and 
Pennsylvania. 

“Middle West”: The states included by the Census in its divisions 
East sy Central and West North Central, except that Missouri is 
omitted. 

“Mountain” and “Pacific”: the groups of states to which the Census 
applies these terms. 


DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES) 29 


number of united churches, and the Pacific third, the small- 
est number of all being found in the Mountain Region.® 

Among types of union, nearly half the federated churches 
were in the Northern Colonial area, where they formed the 
greater proportion of all united churches, most of them 
being in New England and in New York state. In each area 
studied except the Northern Colonial, the denominational 
united church was represented by more churches than any 
other type. The undenominational church had its greatest 
strength in the Middle West. 

- United churches were found to be, for the most part, a 
phenomenon of small centers. Although of the town and 
country churches in 179 counties studied as typical by the 
Institute of Social and Religious Research only about one- 
third were in villages,® nearly two-thirds of the 934 united 
churches whose location was exactly known were village 
churches. Moreover, while only 131 united churches were 
in villages of more than 1,000 inhabitants, there were 450 in 
smaller villages. As 234 more of the 934 churches were in 
hamlets and 83 were in the open country, nearly five-sixths 
of the united churches were in localities having a population 
of the center of less than 1,000. 

The denominations represented by the greatest number of 
denominational united churches and of federated churches 
were, in the order of the number of churches under each, 
the Congregational, the Methodist Episcopal, the Presbyte- 
rian Church in the U.S.A. and the Baptist, Northern Con- 
vention. The total number of denominational united 
churches, so far as these were listed, and of units of fed- 
erated churches, belonging to these four denominations, was 
1,075. Scattering cases of these two types of union be- 
longed to thirteen other denominations. 

Although statistical information could not be obtained 
for all united churches, certain figures were available for 
nearly three-fourths of those listed. The incomplete data 
show that these churches had a total membership of over 


3 See Appendix Table I. 

4 Tbid., II. 4 

5 Computed from data on page 35 of Morse’s The Social Survey im 
Town and Couniry Areas. (New York, Doran, 1924.) 


30 UNITED CHURCHES 


80,000, distributed such benevolences as are reported in de- 
nominational annuals in excess of $300,000, and owned 
churches and parsonages with a total valuation of over six 
and three-quarters millions of dollars. 

The importance of the movement was further shown by 
other facts. The Presbyterian General Assembly and the 
Methodist Episcopal General Conference both passed several 
measures concerning the different types of union. For sev- 
eral years the leaders in the movement toward local union 
had met in conferences; and in 1925 they had two organiza- 
tions, the Community Church Workers, formed at Philadel- 
phia in May, 1924, and the American Conference of Un- 
denominational Churches, a smaller group composed of 
leaders of united churches holding Fundamentalist princi- 
ples. Each of these agencies had its organ, that of the 
former being the Unity Messenger, now the Community 
Churchman, and that of the latter the Pioneer of a New 
Era. 

A great many unions, like the very first federated church, 
were formed by local people to meet local needs; both be- 
cause it was the local people that felt most nearly the pinch 
of necessity, and because the barriers between denominations 
were less divisive for laymen in small communities. Some 
of the schedules reported that the union in question owed 
nothing to the example of any previous united church. 
Many constructed their constitutions independently, or 
emended a model, or combined several, so as to produce 
articles adapted to local conditions. The ministers some- 
times led in local proceedings, and often had a large 
share in preparing the way for union; yet in a higher pro- 
portion of cases the effective leadership came from laymen. 
Even where denominational or interdenominational assist- 
ance was requested—even where such leadership took the 
initiative—it was the local people that had the deciding 
vote; and they frequently went contrary to the counsel of 
their advisors. 

What this young movement was to become did not yet 
appear. In all parts of the country people were talking 
about uniting their churches, or about adapting their one 


DEVELOPMENT OF UNITED CHURCHES 31 


church so that it could serve all the religious elements of 
the community. That the movement would continue to grow 
seemed likely. In the first place, united churches were being 
formed all over the country; secondly, economic forces were 
on their side. 





PART II 
TYPES 


Mi VEADR 
hye Nt a 
vi) } iy, a) 


es : 





PART ily TYPES 


Chapter II 
THE FEDERATED CHURCH 


The development and the characteristics of united 
churches of four types will be presented in four successive 
chapters; a common plan being adopted, so far as possible, 
to enable the reader to follow easily the discussion of each 
of the types and to refer without trouble to corresponding 
passages. ‘The present chapter will concern the federated 
church. 


DEFINITIONS 


It is necessary at the outset to define a few terms. A 
church, for this book, is an organized local group of Chris- 
tians, with a religious test for membership. No church was 
included among those studied that was not active, in contrast 
to inactive or seasonal; that is, the churches considered here 
had regular services at least once a month throughout the 
year. 

The term “united church” will be applied in this book to a 
church combining in its membership, either regular or 
associate, elements originally different in denomination; the 
elements being in some cases organized churches and in 
others, individuals. A church that had won to active par- 
ticipation in its work persons of other denominations, but 
that had not received such persons into membership, was 
held not to come within this definition. 

There are three generally recognized types of united 
churches; the federated church, the undenominational 
church, and the united church of the denominational type. 


This common division was followed in the statistics. <A 
35 


36 UNITED CHURCHES 


fourth type, the affiliated church, was found in the course 
of this survey to be arising spontaneously in many parts of 
the country. 

A federated church is composed of two or more organized 
churches differing in denomination, each related to its own 
denominational body, which have entered into an agree- 
_ ment to act together as regards local affairs. The denomina- 
_ “tional units retain their own rolls, usually keep in the 
~ hands of their own trustees their separate property, and 
almost always continue to send benevolences to their separate 
denominational boards. They combine in calling and in 
paying a minister, hold services of worship in common, 
almost invariably conduct a common Sunday school, and 
frequently join in other local activities.) Churches infor- 
mally holding joint services for a temporary period were 
not held to constitute a federated church. 

The term “federated” as part of the title of a church had 
two rare uses. It was employed by a few denominational 
united churches; as, “the Federated Congregational Church 
of ——.” This usually meant that two or more churches 
had originally formed a federated church and had put the 
word “federated” in the title, and that this church had after- 
ward become a united church of the denominational type 
without removing the word “federated” from the title. The 
word “federated” was also employed as part of the title of 
perhaps a dozen undenominational churches with no history 
of federation behind them. Most of these were in the far 
West. The term “federated church” will not be employed 
in this book in either of these two senses. 

The denominational organizations combined in a federated 
church are called ‘“‘branches,” “wings,” or “units.” In this 
book, “unit” will be the term commonly employed. 

A federated church differs from united churches of the 
other types in that although it conducts most of its activities 
as a single church, it preserves the organic integrity of its 
denominational elements. This double aspect of the fed- 
erated church raises several questions peculiar to the type. 
Denominational officials and local church leaders were eager 
to know, on the one hand, how federation had affected the 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH 37 


separate denominational units; and on the other hand, how 
the double or multiple structure had affected the federation 
as a whole. They asked such questions as these: 

When a weak church federated with a stronger one, what 
happened to the weaker church? 

When an immersionist church federated with a non-im- 
mersionist church, what was the effect upon the immersion- 
ist unit? 

Did the federation of two or more separately organized 
units frequently end in separation? 

Did it, on the contrary, tend toward close integration? 
Because of the keen interest discovered in these questions, 
especial pains have been taken to gather, and to present in 
their appropriate places in this chapter, facts bearing upon 
them. 


SouRCES OF INFORMATION 


Heretofore, opinions regarding federated churches have 
had to be based upon information concerning comparatively 





100 230 $f 
Scole GF Adites 


DIAGRAM II, MAP SHOWING THE LOCATION OF THE EIGHTY-THREE UNITED 
CHURCHES SURVEYED. 


few individual federations ; and statements made about them 
have been unreliable and contradictory. 
The statements made in this chapter are based upon the 


38 UNITED CHURCHES 


following kinds of evidence: mail schedules from 129 fed- 
erated churches; seventy-eight constitutions, some of these 
being standard forms used by many churches; notes on in- 
terviews with more than 145 superintendents of many de- 
nominations, who together furnished facts concerning many 
federated churches; intensive surveys of twenty-nine fed- 
erations made on the ground by investigators of the Institute 
of Social and Religious Research; and data from denomina- 
tional statistics for 457 units of 243 federated churches. 


NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION 


The number of federated churches discovered in 1924 in 
the thirty states forming the field of this investigation, was 
312. At that time this was probably a fairly exact figure; 
for it is comparatively easy, with the help of denominational 
annual statistics and denominational superintendents, to learn 
the location of existing federated churches. The latter part 
of 1924, however, and the time since, have seen the or- 
ganization of additional unions of this type. 

Nearly half, 48.4 per cent., of these federated churches 
were found in the Northern Colonial area. Most of the 
small communities in this part of the country had early 
established competing churches. It was here also that the 
first federated churches were established. In the Middle 
West there were also many federated churches, the 125 
found here constituting 40.1 per cent. of the entire number. 
As this region is so much larger than the Northern Colonial 
area, and has so many more inhabitants, the federated 
churches did not bulk so large in the religious situation. 
Comparatively few federated churches were discovered in 
the Mountain area, the list consisting of only twelve. In 
the states along the Pacific coast there were twenty-four. 

The federated church proved to be mainly a phenomenon 
of villages and hamlets, where were found 267, or 90.5 
per cent., of the entire number. This followed from the fact 
that federation implied the previous existence of two or 
more churches close enough together to admit of common 
services. On the other hand, only sixteen were found in 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH 39 


towns; and of those in villages, three-fourths, 76.4 per 
cent., were in small villages with a population not exceed- 
ing 1,000, where the stringency of material conditions that 
formed so potent an influence toward union was most 
keenly felt. 


DENOMINATIONS OF UNITs 


The denominational connection of 643 units constitut- 
ing 303 federated churches was learned. These units were 
distributed among denominations as follows: 


MM CIECNETIN SISLILISU)| ciclallahe ‘eas aval aaa alersl ay ofa 118 
PLONE TOPATION ARR k sivlals Oi cis eruiatiad ot van 197 
WVEGLSOCLISE LE DISCODAL Y's vsiala vsisl 4 piel acdiarenr ies 178 
HOPES UV CGhiall IRA tOn eA sie glele a italy 0 77 
PAP OLiery CEnOMINALlONS Pew ice aiid we ale) seals Vk} 


Seven-eighths of all the units belonged to four major Protes- 
tant denominations. One of these, the Northern Baptist 
Convention, was an immersionist denomination,! as were 
three other bodies, each represented by comparatively few 
units; so that there were in all 146 immersionist units. 
Three liturgical denominations, the Lutheran and two Re- 
formed bodies, were represented by a total of thirteen units. 
No foreign-language churches had become parts of fed- 
erated churches; no churches of the emotional type; and, of 
course, no Catholic or other non-Protestant churches. Most 
of the other units represented the Congregational, the Metho- 
dist Episcopal and the Northern Presbyterian denomina- 
tions; and the remainder belonged to eight other denomina- 
tions, the Evangelical, the Methodist Episcopal South, the 
Methodist Protestant, the Friends, the United Brethren, the 
Unitarian, the United Presbyterian, and the Universalist. 
In the classification here followed, these denominations were 
included with others in a class called “all other Protestant 
denominations.” But because the list of denominations 


1 The classification of denominations followed is that used in the Town 
and-Country Church in the United States, p. 108. 


40 UNITED CHURCHES 


given by the Census of Religious Bodies includes twenty-six 
Protestant denominations not belonging to any other of these 
classes, of which at least fifteen denominations were not 
represented in local unions and are not comparable in char- 
acter to the eleven denominations that were represented in 
unions, the smaller group, which is represented in town 
and country areas by more churches than any of the other 
types, will be considered in this book to form a distinct 
type, which will be styled the “numerically predominant,” 
or, for brevity, the “predominant” type. Grouped accord- 
ing to types of denominations the units were distributed 
thus : 


Liturgical types .t.u). 8 Wan wise ee ekeing eee Brea) 
THimersionist ty pees vie tad auc ee ahs 146 
Predominant type ciao nCe ke Cea ie 484 


In short, almost all the units belonged to two types of de- 
nominations, the immersionist and the predominant types; 
and three-fourths of all the units eb sighs denomina- 
tions of the predominant type. 

Most federated churches consisted of pairs of units: 
thirty-nine were composed of three units each. The com- 
binations in which units of the different denominational types 
appeared in federated churches were these: 


Liturgical with predominant............ 12 
Immersionsty only sc\ cis settee Bich et 
Immersionist with predominant bi ahetattie’s 137 
Predominant only Hh seas cumin kage 149 
LOCAL piste Ream ame ‘half alia cehoa Mek ares 302 * 


Very few either of liturgical or of immersionist churches 
had federated with churches representing denominations of 
the same class ; even including federations in which two units 
of such denominations were combined with a unit of the 


2 One additional federated church was composed of an immersionist unit 
and an undenominational unit. 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH 41 


predominant type, there was but one federated church in- 
cluding two units of denominations of the liturgical type, 
and there were only six combining two immersionist 
churches. This did not result from any lack of communities 
having two churches each of either of those denominational 
types. Many a community had, for example, both a Luth- 
eran church and one of the predominant type. A similar 
situation existed for immersionist churches: of all the Dis- 
ciples churches in the town and country communities of 
Ohio, for instance, nearly one-fifth were in the presence 
either of a Northern Baptist church or of a Christian church. 
Considered with respect to the way units of different de- 
nominational types were combined, the great majority of 
federated churches fell into two groups: 137 federations in 
which immersionist units were combined with units of the 
predominant type, and 149 federations in which each of the 
two or three units belonged to some denomination of the 
predominant type. 


MEMBERSHIP 


Though the units federating had a low average member- 
ship, when combined in pairs or in groups of three they 
formed churches with an average membership higher than 
the averages for churches of the traditional kind in com- 
munities comparable in population. For 189 federated 
churches the membership of each of whose units was pub- 
lished in some denominational annual report, the average 
total membership was 172. 

The average total membership of village churches of 
179 Counties investigated by the Institute of Social and 
Religious Research was 108. The population of the villages 
ranged from 250 to 2,500, small villages being everywhere 
the most numerous. The average total membership found 
by the American Village Study was 157 in villages, most of 
which had a population of between 500 and 2,500. Since 
federated churches were found in hamlets as well as in 
villages, and since they were more common in small villages 
than in large ones, their average total membership of 172 


42 UNITED CHURCHES 


considerably exceeded the average membership of traditional 
churches of much larger communities. 

Some federated churches had also, in addition to members 
of the original uniting denominations, a list of “federated,” 
or “community,” members. This feature was not common 
in the Northern Colonial area, where, especially in New 
England, denominational superintendents codperated in 
forming and guiding the federated churches, In the Middle 
West, however, provision for such a roll was made by at 
least sixteen churches. On the other hand, it was definitely 
learned that in the Middle West seventeen churches had 
no such arrangement; and the mail schedules for twenty 
others, while giving figures for denominational membership, 
left unanswered the question concerning undenominational 
membership, thus making it probable that they had no such 
roll. Of the thirty-six federated churches in the Mountain 
and the Pacific coast areas, ten were discovered to have 
undenominational members. In the last area, the unde- 
nominational enrollment averaged much higher than else- 
where; one federated church having sixty-six undenomina- 
tional to ninety-three denominational members. 


GROWTH OR DECLINE 


The number of additions reported for 1923-24 by de- 
nominational statistics for 243 federated churches was 2,034, 
a number forming 5.5 per cent. of the total membership at 
the end of the year. 

How had membership changed since federation? Com- 
parative figures were available for 167 federated churches. 
The year before union, the total membership of all the 
churches involved, then separate, was 28,609. In 1923-24, 
the corresponding total for units of federated churches was 
28,203. This meant a loss of 406 members, that is, a decline 
in membership of 1.4 per cent. The federated churches 
had not quite held their own in membership. This fact was 
partly accounted for by the clearing of the rolls that normally 
accompanies any crisis of church history. The average per 
federation, however, fell only from 172 to 169. The decline 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH 43 


was highest in the Middle West, where it was 3.5 per cent., 
the loss being to some extent compensated by a gain on the 
Pacific coast. In considering comparative membership, how- 
ever, account must be taken of undenominational members. 
In the Northern Colonial area the presence of such mem- 
bers did not make up for the decline in denominational mem- 
bership. In other areas, taken together, it more than did 
so; for the incomplete total of undenominational members 
reported for twenty-one churches in these areas was more 
than 600. 

Some indication of the effect of federation on size of 
membership was afforded by comparative figures for two 
groups of federated churches at least eleven years old in 
1923-24, the year of the latest denominational statistics avail- 
able. One group was composed of twenty-four federated 
churches in New England, and the other consisted of four- 
teen such churches in the Middle West. The groups could 
not be larger, first, because federations formed so early were 
not very numerous, especially in the Middle West; and, 
secondly, because for some early federations, statistical in- 
formation was not available for all units. For the group of ~ 
federated churches in New England, the average combined 
total membership five years before the year of union was 
131. In the next four years it slightly declined, becoming 
128. Two years later, the first year after the year of union, 
the average membership had fallen to 116, partly, doubtless, 
because of the clearing of rolls. Five years after union, the 
reported membership was only ninety-five. 

The middle-western group of churches had experienced 
in the earlier four-year interval, while still separate de- 
nominational churches, a drop in average membership from 
182 to 156. Evidently a decline in numbers preceded the 
federation. In the two years in the course of which federa- 
tion took place, in spite of probable clearing of rolls, the 
average remained about the same, standing the year after 
the year of union at 157. Four years later, the average 
membership was 163. This did not represent a great gain, 
but at least it was not a loss, as was found to exist for the 
churches in New England. Considering the difference in the 


AA UNITED CHURCHES 


trend of population and of economic conditions of the two 
areas, it therefore seems probable that the growth and de- 
cline of federated churches, like that of denominational 
churches, varies with environmental conditions. Many of 
the churches that federated were inactive, or at least very 
small. In Vermont and certain other states, denominational 
authorities were convinced that through federation many 
weak churches had been saved from decay and death. 


SMALL UNITS 


When a small church federated with a large one, did the 
stronger gain in membership at the expense of the weaker? 
For eighty federations, one unit of which had before union a 
membership not over five-eighths that of the other, the total 
membership of the weaker units, which the year before fed- 
eration formed 28.1 per cent. of the combined membership, 
had risen by 1923-24 to 31.7 per cent., indicating a slight gain 
for the smaller unit. Moreover, though the total combined 
membership of the federated churches showed a loss, the 
total membership of the smaller units showed a gain. 
Thirty-three of the smaller units gained in membership; and 
in sixteen of the cases the larger unit lost. For five of the 
federated churches, what was before union the smaller unit, 
had in 1923-24 become the larger. Many small churches 
weakened to the danger point were enabled by federation 
to continue their activities, and to hold their own, sometimes 
even to increase, in membership. By combining forces with 
another church, each was enabled to share the services of a 
better minister, and to participate in a better program. 
Moreover, newcomers who might not join a weak church of 
their own denomination where there was a strong church of 
another denomination doing better work, would enroll them- 
selves with the unit of their traditional adherence, on joining 
a federated church. For these reasons, when two churches 
of unequal strength federated, the smaller church usually 
held or increased its proportionate membership thereafter. 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH 45 


IMMERSIONIST UNITS 


When an immersionist church federated with a church of 
the “predominant” type, what effect, if any, was produced 
upon the membership of the immersionist unit? “A compara- 
tive analysis was made of the membership before union and 
in 1923 of federated churches so constituted, the number for 
which figures were available being eighty-three. The year 
preceding union the membership of the immersionist units 
formed 42.6 per cent. of the combined membership ; in 1923- 
24 the proportion was 42.1 per cent., thus having scarcely 
changed. For six federated churches the membership of 
the immersionist units remained the same. For fifty-two it 
declined; but in thirty-nine of these the combined member- 
ship also declined. For twenty-five federations the member- 
ship of the immersionist units increased, and for ten of these 
the gain was in spite of a loss in combined membership. On 
the whole, therefore, federation did not result for immersion- 
ist units in a decline in membership. The explanation of- 
fered by several denominational and interdenominational 
officials was the same as for units of federations composed 
of elements of unequal strength. 


ORGANIZATION 


The common affairs of federated churches were conducted 
by a joint committee, which was given various names, such 
as executive committee, governing board, and the like. It 
was usually composed, at least in early stages of federation, 
of groups representing the denominational units. The most 
common number of representatives per unit was three, but 
the number was sometimes five or even seven. The term of 
service was sometimes one year, but was more commonly 
three, the terms of different individuals overlapping. A few 
churches with a large undenominational membership gave 
this element representation on the governing board. Mem- 
bers of the board were usually chosen at first by the units 
sitting in separate session. Later on, some federated 
churches no longer held separate meetings, but both units 


46 UNITED CHURCHES 


voted in a joint meeting on their separate candidates, which 
were either selected by a committee chosen for the purpose 
or by the governing board, or were nominated from the floor. 
Other federated churches chose their board not as represent- 
ing the interests of the units separately, but as acting for the 
federation as a whole, there being a single list of candidates, 
in which the names were sometimes followed by the de- 
nomination of each candidate. This arrangement came to be 
adopted by all but three of fourteen churches studied at two 
stages. Some federated churches attempted to choose their 
representatives on the governing board and their other 
officers somewhat proportionately from the denominations 
represented; but others lost sight of such distinctions and 
considered only fitness for the task. Deacons and elders, 
however, were usually chosen by the denominational units. 

The extent to which separate denominational machinery 
continued to function differed considerably. At first the 
denominational units generally held their separate annual 
meetings; and sessions, or advisory boards, or prudential 
committees, came together at intervals. But as joint activi- 
ties developed, business came more and more to be trans- 
acted through the common executive board; and the sepa- 
rate bodies gradually atrophied. 


FINANCES 


The earliest federated churches had the arrangement that 
each unit should raise separately and pay toward the common 
expenses a certain proportion of the budget. If there were 
two churches only, the most common arrangement was that 
each should pay half; but the sums were often apportioned 
according to membership, or with regard to financial ability. 
Arrangements of this sort were in use with some federated 
churches, especially in New England. 

Survival of denominational financial arrangements, with 
the addition of common financial machinery for joint 
affairs, sometimes resulted in a decidedly complex system. 
One of the older federations had eleven treasurers. There 
were the treasurer for local affairs of the Congregational 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH A'7 


parish, of the Congregational church, and of the Methodist 
Episcopal church; the treasurer of the federated church; 
the treasurer for benevolences of each of the units; three 
treasurers for the Women’s Society, including one for joint 
local business and two for separate benevolences; a treasurer 
for the Christian Endeavor and one for the Sunday school. 
Two men held two treasurerships apiece. 

But many churches that began with separate fnancal ar- 
rangements for each unit came to adopt a common canvass 
and to have a single treasurer. Of fourteen churches 
for which detailed information was obtained concerning two 
different stages of development, all of them federated 
churches at one or both of these periods, five had separate 
budgets and nine had joint budgets at the earlier period, 
while at the later period each of the fourteen had a single 
budget. Of forty-two federated churches for which exact 
information on this point was collected, only seven had sepa- 
rate budgets for each unit, while thirty-five of the churches 
had each a single budget. 


LOCAL EXPENDITURE 


A good many churches considering federation had been 
influenced by the hope that they might reduce their expenses 
of maintenance by having but one coal bill, one janitor, etc. 
Other churches had been led to combine forces largely by 
the hope that in that way they might be able to pay for a 
better minister, have a better place of worship, and conduct 
a richer program. One set desired economy; the other, in- 
creased efficiency. What actually happened was shown by a 
comparison of home expenditures before union and in 1923- 
24. It was often impossible to tell whether or not the sums 
reported to the separate denominational agencies overlapped, 
for many federated churches had a common budget; and 
treasurers, not seeing how to distribute this total, had in 
many cases reported the full amount to both. Since the time 
of year for requiring such reports differs with different de- 
nominations, the sums thus reported, even though each 
covered the expenditures of a full year, were sometimes dif- 


48 UNITED CHURCHES 


ferent. In some cases the total reported tu one denomina- 
tion included everything but repairs to a building of another 
denomination. In the absence of precise information, the 
finances of many churches had to be left out of account. 
Therefore, the averages now to be presented are based on 
figures for federated churches surveyed; for those about 
which it was known that each unit had a separate budget; 
and for those reporting only to one denomination ; because 
it was only for these churches that it was known there was 
no duplication. The number of churches for which reliable 
figures were obtainable for all units was sixty-one. The 
average combined local expenditures the year before union 
of the two or more churches that later formed any one 
federated church was $2,050. If each federation had con- 
sisted of two units, this would have meant for the separate 
churches an average of $1,025; but as some had three units, 
the average was less. For the federated churches in the year 
1923-24, the average local expenditure was $2,224. Evi- 
dently the average total expenditure per community, instead 
of diminishing, became larger. 

But these averages included figures for federated churches 
in widely different environments. In the Northern Colonial 
area, the average combined local expenditure of the churches 
that later formed one federated church was $1,282 the year 
before union—or less than $641 per separate church; and 
the average for the federated churches in 1923-24 was 
$1,835. In the Middle West, on the other hand, $2,847 
was the average combined expenditure the year before 
union of the churches later forming one federation; while 
in 1923-24 the average expenditure of the federated church 
was only $2,660. That is, poor churches in the Northern 
Colonial area, with low expenditures before union, gained on 
the average in service and efficiency; those in the Middle 
West, on the whole, though their larger average expenditure 
indicated a higher standard of church maintenance than in 
the other section, nevertheless gained in economy. 

To determine whether these local budget figures of fed- 
erated churches are high or low, they need to be compared 
with standard averages. In twenty-five typical counties 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH 49 


studied in detail by the Institute of Social and Religious 
Research, the average annual local expenditure for all 
churches, including those in towns, in villages, and in the 
country, was $913.3. The average found by the American 
Village Study to prevail for village churches, was $1,561, 
and that for churches in villages with a population of under 
1,000, was $1,665. In comparison with all these figures, 
the average for federated churches was large. 

Besides drawing on the contributors of two or more de- 
nominational churches, the federated churches surveyed en- 
listed wider support from non-members than did competing 
churches. For nineteen federated churches whose subscrip- 
tion lists were examined in detail, one-fifth of the sub- 
scribers were non-members, and these non-members fur- 
nished nearly one-eighth of the total amount subscribed. 

The average local expenditures per individual of the total 
membership * was comparatively high. For the Twenty-five 
Counties the corresponding contribution was $10.60;° for 
village churches surveyed in the course of the American 
Village Study it was $10.24. For federated churches it was 
$13.39. In the Middle West, in spite of the larger budget 
of this area, it was lower—only $11.75—because average 
membership there was much higher than in the Northern 


Colonial area. 


3 Computed from figures given on page 80 of The Social Survey in 
Town and Country Areas. (New York, Doran, 1924.) 

4 The term “per capita expenditure” will be applied in this book to the 
amount expended annually corresponding to each individual of the total 
membership. It is not the average contribution of church members ; for, 
in the first place, members did not all contribute, one-fifth being non- 
resident and others inactive; secondly, one-fourth of the subscribers to 
churches investigated were non-members; and finally, part of the funds 
spent by some churches were derived from sales or from the income of 
investments. The term will be used in connection with total expenditure, 
with local expenditure and with benevolences. In each case it will 
signify the ratio of the expenditure of whichever kind to the total 
membership. 

5 The figures for salary and miscellaneous expenses on page 80 of The 
Social Survey in Town and Country Areas added together make $12.17 5 
but these figures were based on resident membership, while the nature of 
denominational published statistics made it necessary to use in this book 
only figures based on total membership. 


50 UNITED CHURCHES 


SALARY 


Of the comparatively large local budget of the average 
federated church, a considerable proportion went into salary. 
Before federation many of the churches had been able to 
afford only part-time, non-resident ministers; and many of 
the churches had to put up with students or superannuated 
men. Some had been without ministers. In one case a 
somewhat isolated community had met the epidemic of in- 
fluenza without a single minister. W5th no pastor to con- 
sole the dying, and with great difficulty in securing any one 
to officiate at funerals, the local people received such a 
lesson on the value of a resident minister that union of all 
elements came swiftly. Under these and similar circum- 
stances, it was therefore to be expected that average salaries 
would be large. The averages given here are for fifty-five 
federated churches with a Congregational unit, these being 
chosen because the Congregational Year-Book consistently 
gives the total cash salary, while for other cases partial and 
possibly overlapping sums would have had to be pieced to- 
gether, with doubtful results. 

For these fifty-five federated churches, the average an- 
nual cash expenditure for salary of minister was $1,615. 
Parallel averages for strictly denominational churches were 
as follows: for the Twenty-five Counties, all kinds of com- 
munities, $539;° for a group of 331 small farming vil- 
lages in the Middle West, $732; for villages of fewer than 
1,000 inhabitants, $1,110; and for villages of approximately 
500 to 2,500, $998. The average salary received by ministers 
—this ran larger because many ministers served more than 
one church—was for the Twenty-five Counties $1,030,’ the 
sum of $250 being allowed, however, for every minister 
granted the free use of a parsonage. This average was for 
ministers serving communities of all sizes, and for full-time 
and part-time ministers indiscriminately. In the 179 Coun- 
ties, ministers serving only one church—as did the majority 

6 Computed from data on pages 80 and 81 of The Social Survey in 
Town and Country Areas. 


7 Morse and Brunner, The Town and Country Church in the United 
States. (New York; Doran, 1923), p. 147 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH 51 


of ministers serving federated churches—received as cash 
salary $1,430. In comparison with these figures, the 
average payment of $1,615 expended in salary by the fed- 
erated church, was high, even surpassing averages for 
salaries received by ministers. The amount per member 
expended for salary, which for the Twenty-five Counties 
was $6.17,° for federated churches was $10.23. 

The expenses connected with property, including repairs, 
improvements, and insurance, were in some cases met by the 
unit owning each building. Sometimes property used in 
common was maintained out of the common budget, the pro- 
vision often being made that no considerable alteration should 
be undertaken without the consent of the unit owning the 
property. Usually, however, the property of all the units 
was maintained by the federated church as a whole. Of 
forty federated churches about which information on this 
point was available, the units of only fourteen cared for 
their separate property; and for twenty-six the care of 
such property was a matter of joint concern. 


BENEVOLENCES 


One of the most heated differences of opinion concern- 
ing federated churches was connected with denominational 
benevolences. Such contributions were asserted by some to 
have increased since union; but by many people they were 
declared to have declined. Fortunately this was a matter 
about which it was possible to obtain precise information; 
for the denominations represented by most of the units 
combining in federations publish annually statistics showing 
just what has been contributed by each of their churches. 

An attempt was made to obtain for as many federated 
churches as possible the exact sums contributed the year 
before union by churches that afterward federated, and also 
the sums contributed by the same churches, then units of 
federations, in the year 1923-24. No federated churches 
could be included, of course, that were organized after 1922; 

8 The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas, p. 81. 


9Ibid., p. 80. The per capita is given as $7.06, but this figure was 
based on resident membership. 


52 UNITED CHURCHES 


nor any units belonging to denominations that do not publish 
statistics; nor any units the data for which at either period 
were recorded only for circuits. The federated churches 
for which data were available numbered 167. The com- 
bined average benevolences before union were $389. This 
sum, be it remembered, was a total for two or more churches 
then separate; so that the average benevolent contribution 
of the denominational churches was less than half of this; 
that is, less than $195. The average for the federated 
churches in 1923-24 was $647. This represented a gain in 
benevolences of $258 per federation, constituting a pro- 
portionate increase of 66.2 per cent. Not every unit en- 
larged its contribution; but 116 did. The gain in the Middle 
West, where before union the federating churches had been 
larger, was 38.2 per cent.; and the average contribution in 
1923-24 was $764. In the Northern Colonial area, however, 
where the churches combining had been smaller and poorer, 
the average combined benevolences rose from $238 the 
year before union, to $583 in 1923-24, the gain being $345 
for each federated church, or 145.1 per cent. That is, these 
churches since federation had multiplied their total contribu- 
tions nearly two and one-half times. 

The average annual contribution to benevolences per in- 
dividual of the total membership was for the whole field 
$2.27 the year before union, and $3.83 in 1923-24; that of 
the churches in the Northern Colonial area rising from 
$1.76 the year before union to $4.39 in 1923-24. 

While the total amount reported in denominational 
statistics as the annual contributions to benevolences of the 
separate churches for the year before union was $65,034, the 
total contributions of the same churches—then combined in 
federations—in 1923-24, amounted to $108,089. Since the 
formation of these 167 federations, accordingly, there had 
been a net gain in benevolences of $43,055. 

That this gain was due entirely to federation cannot be 
proved, especially because of the complexity of economic 
conditions during and after the war. Many factors entered 
into the result. The contributions of some churches, for 
example, were doubtless raised during the interval by de- 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH 53 


nominational drives. Yet the effect of these campaigns 
worked both ways; for 117 federations were formed so late 
that they would have felt the impetus of denominational 
campaigns the year before federation more strongly than in 
1923-24, when both enthusiasm and total contributions had 
begun to wane. Federation certainly played the largest part 
in the change. The relief it brought to many churches in 
the burden of home expenditures released funds for benev- 
olent use. Many units that before union had been in- 
active, had their generosity spurred after federation by can- 
vasses, appeals and regular collections. Almost all felt the 
stimulus of improved ministerial leadership, of a richer 
program, of friendly rivalry between federating units, and of 
the fresh start. 

Not only did the benevolences of federated churches in- 
crease after union; they compared in 1923-24 less unfavor- 
ably than is supposed with those of strictly denominational 
churches. The average benevolence contribution of 243 
federated churches for 1923-24 was $581. That for the 
churches in Twenty-five Counties was only $399.*° Though 
the averages obtained in the American Village Study were 
higher, being $749 for Small Villages, and $729 for all vil- 
lages, these figures referred in great measure to the churches 
of larger communities than those where most of the fed- 
erated churches were situated. 

For the sixty-one churches for which there were available 
figures for expenditures before union and in 1923-24, the 
proportion of total expenditures devoted to benevolences, 
which the year before union was 14.5 per cent., had risen to 
22.4 per cent., in 1923-24. The proportion for the Twenty- 
five Counties was 30.4 per cent.4 and for the churches in 
Small Villages 31.0 per cent. 


PROPERTY 


Because the denominations do not all report a valuation 
for property, it can only be asserted that the total valuation 


10 Computed from data on pp. 80 and 81, The Social Survey in Town 
and Country Areas. 
11 Ibid., p. 81. 


54 UNITED CHURCHES 


of church buildings and parsonages owned by less than 
three-fourths of the units of federated churches, approxi- 
mated $3,000,000. The average valuation of the church 
buildings and parsonages of 112 federated churches for 
which information was available for all units, was $16,039. 
One hundred and sixteen federated churches had two church 
buildings each; four had three. Not fewer than fifty-six 
federations had two parsonages; at least three had three 
parsonages each. 

Church buildings were frequently used alternately; some- 
times they were devoted to special uses; and in some cases, 
one or more buildings having been disposed of, or lost by 
fire or otherwise, there was only one church edifice. Among 
forty-one churches in regard to which information on this 
point was collected, twenty-two had at least two church 
edifices adapted for worship; both or all of which, in nine- 
teen cases, were used during part of the year. The other 
nineteen federated churches either had only one building, or 
had adapted their buildings to special uses. Eleven of the 
fourteen churches for which detailed information at two 
periods was obtained, had adopted one or the other of the 
last mentioned arrangements, both of which implied com- 
munity of interests. 


MINISTER 


Two hundred and twenty-seven federated churches, or 
72.8 per cent. of the entire number, had resident ministers. 
This proportion was more than twice as high as that pre- 
vailing in the 179 Counties, which was only 35.5 per cent.,’* 
and was only one point lower than that prevailing in the 140 
Villages, which were communities of a much larger average 
population. Moreover, while the latter proportion applied 
to all churches including those in towns, federated churches 
were very largely in Small Villages and hamlets, where the 
proportion would naturally be much lower. 

Several different arrangements prevailed among federated 
churches as to the denomination of ministers. The majority 


12 The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas, p. 37. 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH 55 


chose their ministers alternately from the denominations 
represented. Other federations had agreed to accept minis- 
terial leadership from one denomination exclusively. This 
latter arrangement was most common in Vermont, where de- 
nominational leaders made special efforts to induce the 
churches to accept it when the church of one denomination 
was considerably the stronger. Other federated churches 
had agreed that the denomination of the minister should not 
affect their choice. For 264 federated churches with minis- 
ters whose denomination was known, the ministers of 250 
churches belonged to one of the denominations represented 
in the federation served ; for only fourteen of these churches 
did the minister belong to some other denomination. The 
denominations represented by the ministers were as follows: 
Methodist, ninety-four; Congregational, sixty-nine; Baptist, 
forty-seven; Presbyterian, thirty-nine; all other denomina- 
tions, fifteen.13 


SUBORDINATE ORGANIZATIONS 


Federated churches almost always had a common Sunday 
school, the former schools of the different units having 
usually been merged at the time of union. Of forty-two 
federated churches in regard to which detailed information 
was available, only one had two Sunday schools. The young 
people’s societies, moreover, were almost as generally joint 
organizations. Thirty-seven of the forty-two churches had 
such societies; and only two of these had separate organiza- 
tions for the denominational units. The ladies’ aid society 
was a combined organization for thirty-one churches; nine 
churches had one or more denominational organizations of 
the sort; two churches had no such organization. To com- 
bine women’s missionary societies proved more difficult on 
account of the difference in study courses and the separate 
objects of benevolences. Twenty-two of the forty-two 
churches, however, had joint missionary societies, while 
thirteen had denominational organizations, the other seven 
churches being without societies of this sort. Where the 


13 In two cases the denomination of the minister was uncertain. 


56 UNITED CHURCHES 


women’s organizations were combined, testimony was fre- 
quently borne to an increase in the pleasure taken both in 
work and in social relations. Ministers who had observed 
the effect of combining women’s organizations believed that 
this step did much to unify not only women but through 
them the other members of their families. 


NinE Points oF USAGE 


Reference has been made in a number of connections to 
the study of forty-two federated churches to ascertain how 
many acted as a single body in regard to certain matters and 
how many acted as two or more separate denominational 
units. The points studied included combinations of the four 
different kinds of subordinate organizations just considered, 
the management of local expenditures, the care of property, 
representation on the. governing board, the presence or ab- 
sence of extra buildings for worship, and regard to denomi- 
nation in the choice of minister. The average number of 
points in which these federated churches acted jointly was 
5.8, and the average number in which they acted as pairs 
or groups of units was 2.7.14 

Among the forty-two churches, there were five that did 
not act as separate units in regard to any of the nine points. 
The age of these five churches ranged from seven to twenty- 
two years. Eight other federated churches acted as separate 
units on only one point, which was invariably the appoint- 
ment of the governing board to represent the units separately. 
Of this group of churches, two were four years old, four 
were six years old, and the others were nine and ten years 
old, respectively. Eleven federated churches acted jointly 
on all but two points, which invariably included representa- 
tion on the governing board. The other point in the largest 
number of cases was separate women’s missionary societies. 

Of the churches in this third group, all but three ranged 
in age from six to eleven years. Of the first group three, 
and of the second group at least two, had revised their con- 


14 In some cases not all the nine tests applied, and in others information 
was lacking. 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH 57 


stitutions. There appeared to be on the part of federated 
churches a connection between action as a single body and 
the length of time they had been federated. 

This inference was strengthened by a study of fourteen 
cases for which detailed information was obtained for two 
different periods of development. These fourteen churches, 
to a considerable extent, had changed their original methods 
to methods involving a closer unity of action. Although 
at the earlier stage they had acted jointly in regard to an 
-average of four points of procedure, at the later period this 
average had risen to 7.8 points. The number of churches 
choosing the members of the governing board to represent 
the church as a whole, which was only one at the earlier 
stage, at the second had become eleven; the number with a 
common local budget rose from eight to fourteen; the num- 
ber without extra buildings for worship rose from three to 
eleven. Those repairing and improving the property of the 
units from common funds, increased from six to thirteen. 
The number with a joint ladies’ aid society went up from 
six to fourteen; those with a federated women’s missionary 
society,. from four became nine; those with one Sunday 
school increased from twelve to fourteen; and those with a 
common young people’s society rose from five to nine. The 
selection of a minister from the denominations alternately 
was not practiced at the later period in a single instance. 

To find out whether there was any difference in respect 
to these practices between surviving federations and federa- 
tions that ended in separation, a schedule including ques- 
tions relating to the same points was mailed to persons in 
eighty communities where federation had ended in partial 
or complete separation. The inquiry resulted in thirty-two 
schedules with careful answers. The average number of 
points of procedure on which the unsuccessful federations 
had cooperated was only 3.1; while for the forty-two sur- 
viving federations, it was 5.8, nearly twice as many. On the 
other hand, the number of points in which the federated 
churches that separated had acted as pairs or groups of units 
was. 4.3, much larger than that for surviving federations, 
which was 2.7. 


58 UNITED CHURCHES 


Was cooperative action merely a manifestation of that 
spirit of unity without which federation could not last and 
granting which union became progressively closer? Or did 
divided interests tend to perpetuate the sense of separate 
individuality? Ministers who had been in close contact with 
such experiments believed that both factors entered into the 
explanation, and that in practice the greatest measure of 
unified action for which the local people were prepared 
conduced both to smoothness of operation and to perma- 
nence. 


TENDENCIES 


How large a proportion of federated churches endured? 
A careful attempt was made to list all localities where fed- 
eration had been tried and abandoned. Since experiments 
of this nature often left no traces in denominational statis- 
tics, it was impossible to make sure that the list was com- 
plete. But a record was made of eighty cases of separation. 
In some of these cases the separation was only partial, and 
in a few instances the interrupted union was later renewed. 
The number of known situations where federation was rup- 
tured was at least one-fourth as large as the number of 
federations surviving in 1924. The proportion of federated 
churches that survived was twice as high in New England 
as it was in fourteen states where economic pressure was on 
the whole less constraining, where interdenominational co- 
operation was less developed, and where denominational 
superintendents did not offer the same guidance in arranging 
terms of federation. 

For seventy cases of separation, the approximate length 
of time the pairs or groups of denominational churches had 
been in partnership was ascertained. Forty, or well over 
half, had remained together not more than two years, the 
partnership in many cases having lasted only a few months. 
Twenty-two had separated after a period of between two 
and five years; eight had separated after five years or more 
of cooperation; and three after ten years or more of 
cooperation. It was evident then that after two years a 


THE FEDERATED CHURCH 59 


federated church was likely to be permanent, and that after 
five years only a few such unions were broken. The number 
of federated churches organized before 1920, and therefore 
at least five years old at the time of the survey, was 165; 
and the number organized before 1915, and therefore at least 
ten years old, was fifty-two. The average age of 299 
federations for which the dates of origin were learned was 
rather more than five years. 

Although a considerable number of federations were 
abandoned, the majority of federated churches had become 
progressively more closely united. Beginning, perhaps, with 
a loose partnership of units that strongly felt their separate 
identity, federated churches gradually changed their methods 
so that they acted more and more as single wholes. 

More than twenty unions that began as federated churches 
had in 1924 either become denominational churches or had 
affiliated with a denomination more loosely; and at least 
seven unions that had once been federated churches had 
become undenominational churches. 

Many denominational superintendents on the one hand and 
leaders in the community church movement on the other, 
considered it unlikely that federated churches would main- 
tain allegiance to two or more separate denominational 
bodies through the lives of a second or at least a third 
generation of the members. However this may be, the facts 
in this chapter show that in 1924 federated churches were 
performing several distinct functions. Federation enabled 
struggling churches that would not unite on any other basis 
to preserve their identity, and often to increase their strength, 
while at the same time uniting the religious forces of small 
communities. It at once prevented the waste of church 
funds in duplication and raised the standard of church ser- 
vices and program. It resulted in a considerable increase in 
contributions to the benevolent agencies of the denominations 
represented. It brought together, in relationships promot- 
ing increased understanding and sympathy, laymen of differ- 
ent denominations; and it gave their ministers a sympathetic 
attitude toward people of persuasions other than their own. 


Chapter III 
THE UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH 


It is popularly supposed that there are many undenomina- 
tional churches in the United States, 1,200 being a frequently 
published estimate of the total number. But the listing of 
cases of union revealed the fact that in 1924 there were 
comparatively few united churches of this type in town and 
country areas. The general overestimate resulted from the 
ambiguity of the terms “community church” and “union 
church.” 

In common usage the expression “community church” had 
six different significations. Some persons and agencies, in- 
cluding the Massachusetts Federation of Churches, meant by 
the term the only Protestant church in the community. The 
home-missions councils of certain states had formally adopted 
definitions according to which a community church must be 
the only Protestant church, and also a united church of the 
denominational type.t. Others applied the term only to un- 
denominational churches. Still others used it in a broader 
sense, making it include all churches—whether denomina- 
tional or undenominational, and whether or not they were 
the only churches in their respective communities—the mem- 
bership of which was open to all religious elements among 
the Protestants within reach, and which attempted to serve 
the general religious needs of their communities. The title 
was also claimed by certain churches strictly denominational 
in membership, which had undertaken a program of com- 


1The Home Missions Council of Western Washington, for example, 
adopted the following definition: “‘ “A Community Church” is understood 
to be a body of Christians worshiping in a certain district, representing 
all denominations codperating with the Home Missions Council, and 
affiliated with one of the said denominations, but affording fellowship and 
Christian privilege for every Christian within its reach’ I£ there is more 
than one organization, neither one can claim to be a Community Church, 
as it only serves a part of the district. Ay 

60 


THE UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH 61 


munity service. Finally, the word “community” had been 
incorporated in the titles of certain churches, simply as a 
popular expression useful in advertising the church, 

Some persons, therefore, used the expression “community 
church” in reference only to undenominational churches, 
others in reference only to denominational churches, while 
still others used the term to include both. Now 1,200 was a 
fair estimate of the number of community churches of all 
types combined. The mistake has been in assuming that 
the 1,200 “community churches” were all undenominational. 

The term “union church” was also employed in several 
senses: sometimes in reference to a building used in com- 
mon either by two or more denominational churches, or by 
all denominational elements in a community; sometimes to 
an informal group of people that combined in holding ser- 
vices and Sunday school, as for example in a schoolhouse. 
It was also applied to a religious society with trustees for 
the holding of property; but without the distinctive church 
organization, to which members are admitted only on pro- 
fession of faith. Finally, it was used to denote an unde- 
nominational organized church. 

In this book the term, when it is used at all, will refer 
only to an undenominational church organization with a 
religious condition for membership. Because of the am- 
biguity of the term “union church,” the expression “unde- 
nominational church” will usually be employed here, always 
in the sense of an organized church not connected with any 
denominational body. 

To obtain data for undenominational churches involved 
serious difficulties. For united churches of this type, sys- 
tematic information parallel to that published for denomina- 
tional churches, and therefore for the units of federated 
churches also, was available only for Massachusetts, where 
it was published by the state federation of churches. There 
were therefore no comprehensive statistics as to membership, 
finances, or property ; and the names and addresses of minis- 
ters were not generally available. Even to make the list 
of churches that was indispensable before requests for in- 
formation could be sent out, required the following up of 


62 UNITED CHURCHES 


clews from many sources, the dispatching of many forms of 
inquiry, and where it proved difficult to check the existence 
of a reported church of this type, the writing of letters to 
ministers in communities near that in which such a church 
was reported to exist. 

This search showed that many supposed undenominational 
churches did not fall into that classification; and that in 
some instances they never had been churches of that type. 
Some were denominational churches using the title “com- 
munity church.’’ Some were merely buildings which were 
called “union churches” but with which no church organ- 
ization was connected, though there may or may not have 
been a secular “society.” In still other cases, when there 
was no church organization, the term was applied if union 
services or a union Sunday school were maintained. Some 
had once been genuine undenominational churches, but had 
either fallen into inactivity or had become connected with 
a denomination. Of the genuine undenominational churches 
reported, a considerable number were situated in suburbs, 
which were outside the field of the investigation. The total 
number of undenominational churches in town and country 
area of the northern and western parts of the United States 
discovered through careful and repeated inquiries, was only 
1a7, 

To procure statistics for undenominational churches com- 
parable in comprehensiveness and value to those obtained 
from denominational annuals for the churches of the other 
two types of union, proved to be impossible. Data for past 
years could not be secured at all, except for a few churches 
formed through the union of previously existing denomina- 
tional churches. To procure current data, a special form 
of questions was sent to all such churches; and this was in 
many instances sent several times, to the same or to differ- 
ent addresses, and was in a considerable number of instances 
sent to a minister in a neighboring community to be for- 
warded to the minister of the supposed undenominational 
church, or to some other person able to furnish information. 

In spite of unusual difficulty in obtaining replies, there 
was collected concerning churches of this type material of 


THE UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH 63 


the following kinds: mail schedules for fifty churches; spe- 
cial schedules for forty-seven; constitutions for forty-four ; 
statistical data from the Massachusetts Federation of 
Churches for all the rural undenominational churches in 
Massachusetts ; and surveys by investigators of the Institute 
of Social and Religious Research for eighteen churches. 
Detailed information of one or more of these kinds was 
obtained for ninety of the 137 undenominational churches 
known to exist in town and country area. 

Some information, though in far less detail, was obtained 
from interviews or correspondence concerning sixteen more 
of these churches; and the existence, at least, of all the 
others was verified. Of the undenominational churches 
about which the information was scanty, fourteen were in 
hamlets or in the open country, and fifteen were in villages 
with a population of not over 500. Of these churches, 
therefore, a considerable number were presumably small. 

Since the study was so largely dependent upon voluntary 
replies to inquiries, the information received concerned in a 
disproportionate degree the strongest cases—the churches 
that had ministers, for example, and especially the churches 
that had reason to be proud of their record. Moreover, 
there proved to be unusual diversity among the churches of 
this type. A considerable number were small; a few were 
unusually large and vigorous. The averages and generaliza- 
tion here presented, therefore, do more than justice to the 
average undenominational church. 

Because the statistics for the undenominational church 
were based on fewer examples than those for federated and 
denominational united churches, and for the other reasons 
just enumerated, they were less authoritative and significant ; 
therefore illustrative examples will be used more freely in 
this chapter than in chapters in which churches of certain 
other types are discussed. 


DEVELOPMENT 


Of ninety-one undenominational churches about the origin 
of which detailed knowledge was obtained, forty-one were 


64 UNITED CHURCHES 


formed through the combination of two or more existing 
denominational churches, or of one denominational church 
and part of another. 

The churches thus uniting to form undenominational 
churches represented the same denominations as the units of 
federated churches, about one-fourth having belonged to 
immersionist denominations and three-fourths to denomina- 
tions of the predominant type. In the way the denomina- 
tional churches were combined, too, these undenominational 
churches resembled federated churches: most such unions 
combined either immersionist churches with churches of the 
predominant type, or churches of the predominant type with 
other churches of the same kind. In certain instances the 
undenominational type of union had been chosen because 
denominational officials had opposed the formation of a | 
federated church. In ten instances one denominational 
church threw off allegiance to its overhead body and in 
combination with individuals of other denominations formed 
an independent church. The other forty churches were 
composed of individuals of different denominational origins. 
An inactive church frequently formed one source of mem- 
bers. In two instances an attempt had been made to com- 
bine four different denominational churches. The resulting 
undenominational church was composed in both cases of 
members from each of the denominational churches; but alli 
of these continued their existence in competition with the 
undenominational church, which, therefore, though organized 
to lessen competition, actually resulted in increasing it. 

The union of individuals as an undenominational church 
was frequently in small rural communities. The people of 
the community were often of twenty different faiths or of 
none ; so that there were not enough of any one denomination 
to serve as a nucleus. Sometimes the only denominational 
group was of a persuasion inacceptable to its neighbors. 
The report came from many places that the only choice 
was between an undenominational church and no church 
at all. 

One of the main reasons for the organization of unde- 
nominational churches was the difficulty in bringing together 


THE UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH 65 


diverse denominational elements on any other basis. Other 
reasons for the choice of this form of union were: the 
desire to obtain larger support from persons who were not 
of any church; reaction against denominational competition 
within the local community, and against current conceptions 
of denominational abuse of home-mission funds; the desire 
to avoid assessments for denominational overhead expenses 
and denominational missionary campaigns; the example of 
some well-known undenominational church, usually not far 
- away; and propaganda for this type of church. 

Union as an undenominational church was often accom- 
plished against unusual difficulties. A considerable number 
of these churches combined elements difficult to bring to- 
gether; four of the unions including both an evangelical and 
a Unitarian or a Universalist church, and twenty-three unit- 
ing immersionist and non-immersionist elements. Again, the 
union frequently combined an unusual number of former de- 
nominational churches. Sixteen of the forty combinations 
of previously existing churches were composed of three 
churches, making a proportion far higher than that prevail- 
ing among federated churches; and three were composed of 
four or more churches. At least fourteen of the unions were 
achieved in spite of strong opposition from denominational 
officials. The fact that in nine communities part of at least 
one of the churches entering into the union had preserved 
its denominational identity, proves that in these places the 
union was formed against opposition on the part of some 
elements among the local people. In these situations, where 
union was won through struggle, the undenominational 
church had proved the only acceptable compromise. 

Denominational officials, and interdenominational officials 
in most states where these existed, distrusted the undenomi- 
national church. Without such guidance as was received 
by denominational community churches, and in several states 
by federated churches—often in spite of determined oppo- 
sition from denominational officialsk—undenominational 
churches were dependent in an even higher degree than 
churches of other types of union on local and on lay leader- 
ship. A local minister sometimes took the part of leader. 


66 UNITED CHURCHES 


Sometimes a local minister helped to write the constitution ; 
in two cases a similar part was played by a minister among 
summer residents. But as a rule the constitution was pre- 
pared by a local committee, or by a local lawyer, editor, or 
other capable layman. 

The date of origin was learned for 111 undenominational 
churches; but for twenty-six it could not be learned, though 
it appeared probable that none of the latter were very old. 
The facts reported were necessarily confined to churches 
still in existence and still undenominational. Three churches 
on the list were organized before 1890, having grown out 
of the old tradition of the union church; two had survived, 
and one had been resuscitated within a few years. The old 
tradition, indeed, never died out; union churches continued 
to be organized; but so far as surviving undenominational 
churches afforded testimony, they came into existence one 
by one at long intervals; for of undenominational churches 
organized from 1890 to the end of I911, only eight or nine 
survived in 1924. In each year from 1912 to 1916 inclusive, 
there originated from two to four surviving undenomina- 
tional churches. The number formed annually then slowly 
increased till in 1920 fourteen were organized; and in 1921, 
eighteen. After that the number seemed to have fallen off; 
but this may have been owing to lack of information about 
many dates of organization. Of the III surviving unde- 
nominational churches for which the dates of organization 
were ascertained, at least eighty-eight were organized or 
became undenominational in the ten years next preceding 
the year 1924. 


DISTRIBUTION 2 


There were some strong undenominational churches in the 
Northern Colonial area; but in this area were found only 
thirty-nine of the 137 churches of this type included in the 
list. Twenty-six were found on the Pacific coast and twelve 
in the Mountain area. The type had its greatest strength 
in the Middle West, which had sixty undenominational 
churches. 

2See Appendix Tables I and II, 


THE UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH 67 


Eighty undenominational churches, or very nearly two- 
thirds of the number listed, 64.5 per cent., were in villages, 
sixty-nine of these being in villages with a population of 
less than 1,000; four were in towns; twenty-seven in ham- 
lets; and thirteen in the open country.* In hamlets and 
small villages were found ninety-six, or 77.4 per cent., of the 
churches of this type of union. 


STATISTICS # 


Membership was ascertained for sixty-eight undenomina- 
tional churches. If this number seems small in comparison 
with the number used in computing the averages for feder- 
ated churches, it must be remembered that it constituted a 
sample of 49 per cent. of all undenominational churches 
known to exist in the field studied. The total number 
of members, including non-residents, for these sixty-eight 
churches was 7,798. It must not be inferred that because 
this was the membership for half the churches, the total for 
all undenominational cases in the field studied was twice as 
great; for, as has been explained, the churches not reported 
in detail included many small examples of the type. The 
average membership of the sixty-eight churches was I15. 
The average number of additions in the year preceding the 
survey was thirteen, of which nine were received on confes- 
sion of faith. The average expenditures for local purposes 
were $2,300, a sum closely parallel to that for federated 
churches and far in excess of the average church budget, 
which for the Twenty-five Counties was found to be $913.” 
The per capita contribution toward home expenditures was 
$18.83, surpassing the average for the Twenty-five Counties, 
which was $10.60 for every individual in the total mem- 
bership. 

The figures so far presented, however, did not apply to 
the majority of undenominational churches. These churches, 


3 Concerning thirteen others not enough was known to make it possible 
to distribute them precisely. 

4 See Appendix Tables IV-XI. F 

5 Compiled from figures on page 80 of Morse’s The Social Survey m 
Town and Country Areas (New York, Doran, 1924). 


68 UNITED CHURCHES 


as has been said, varied greatly in size. Of the sixty-eight 
for which we have data, nineteen were small churches with 
a total membership of not over fifty; twenty-one had from 
fifty to one hundred members; eighteen had from one to 
two hundred; and the remaining ten were large churches of 
over two hundred members. The strong churches naturally 
colored the averages. Statistics were therefore collated 
separately for churches with a membership of not more than 
one hundred, into which class fell forty, or well over half 
the sixty-eight churches ; and, on the other hand, for churches 
of over one hundred members. In preparing the general 
statistics given above there were included in calculations 
concerning each point figures for the highest number of 
churches for which the information was available. In mak- 
ing calculations for the small churches and the large churches 
separately, however, only those churches were included for 
which there were available figures for both membership, 
home expenditures and benevolences. The number of small 
churches for which this information was available was 
thirty-one; and the number of large churches was twenty- 
four. 

The small churches had an average total membership of 
sixty; the large churches, an average total membership of 
203. The small churches received in the preceding year an 
average of six additions; the large churches, an average of 
twenty-two. Although in the preceding year the propor- 
tionate gain of the large churches, which constituted 11 per 
cent. of the membership of those churches at the end of the 
year, was not much higher than the 9.5 per cent. gain of the 
small churches; yet of the small churches fifteen reported 
having received no new members during the year, while all 
but four of the large churches gained in membership. For 
the small churches, the average local expenses were $1,278; 
for the large churches they were $3,619. The per capita 
contribution toward local expenditures, however, was for 
the small churches $21.34; for the large churches only 
$17.87. It is therefore evident, as was said early in the 
chapter, that in speaking of undenominational churches we 


THE UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH 69 


are concerned with churches not of a standardized type but 
of great variation as to strength. 

The average valuation of the church buildings and parson- 
ages used by the seventy-two undenominational churches for 
which information on this point was obtained, was $11,885. 
For at least nine churches, this property was owned at least 
in part, not by the undenominational church, but by previ- 
ously existing denominational churches, from which it was 
borrowed or was hired at a nominal rent. Such denomina- 
tional churches were in several instances mere vestigial 
organizations perpetuated chiefly to hold this property. The 
value of the property used by the individual churches dif- 
fered greatly. Ten of the seventy-two had no property, 
holding their services in a schoolhouse, Masonic temple, or 
other meeting place. Twenty-eight of the seventy-two 
churches used property valued at $5,000 or less. Forty 
neither owned parsonages nor had the use of any. 


DENOMINATIONAL ORIGINS 


The membership of the undenominational churches studied 
was made up of persons of many different religious connec- 
tions. Answers to questions as to the denominational origin 
of members were obtained from forty-nine churches, which 
gave lists of from two to twenty-four different faiths. The 
denominations most frequently mentioned were the 
Methodist Episcopal, specified by all the forty-nine churches ; 
the Baptist, Northern Convention, named by forty-three; the 
Congregational Church, which was represented in thirty- 
four; the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A., contributing 
to the membership of thirty-two; the Protestant Episcopal 
Church, with representatives in twenty-two; the Disciples of 
Christ, the American Christian Convention and the Church 
of Christ, grouped together because of the ambiguity of the 
word “Christian,” used by all, and together mentioned 
twenty-seven times; and the Lutheran Church, mentioned 
sixteen times. Besides these leading evangelical Protestant 
denominations, many others were mentioned, making a total 


70 UNITED CHURCHES 


of forty-three different bodies. The list included four kinds 
of Methodists and four kinds of Presbyterians. Elements 
of some churches came from denominations frequently re- 
ferred to as “liberal,” among these being the Unitarian and 
the Universalist denominations. In marked contrast to these 
groups were such emotional denominations as the Holiness 
bodies, the Nazarene Church, and the Church of God. Eight 
churches had members that had formerly been Roman 
Catholics; and one, a family from the Greek Catholic 
Church. One included a Mormon; and at least one, a Jew. 
Another group of faiths sometimes represented consisted of 
New Thought, Christian Science, Theosophy and Spirit- 
ualism. 

The number of denominations represented in one church 
was often large. Twelve churches included representatives 
of four denominations; seven of five; four of six; and six 
of seven. Five churches, some of them large and important, 
included representatives of eight, nine, eleven, twelve and 
thirteen denominations, respectively. Another church re- 
ported from one to twenty members from each of fifteen 
different origins. Still another church, in a new community 
to which people had come from all over the United States, 
included representatives of twenty-four. 

In joining many of these undenominational churches, per- 
sons belonging to denominational churches were frequently 
not required to sever their previous connection. Nearly one- 
third of the sixty-eight churches for which information on 
this point was available permitted such duplication of mem- 
bership. Four reported all their members as belonging to 
denominational churches; and the constitutions of a number 
of undenominational churches provided that even those who 
wished to join the church by profession of faith should do 
so in connection with a church of one of the denominational 
bodies. ‘Twelve churches, on the other hand, reported that 
none of their members were also members of denominational 
churches. The total church-membership for the United 
States furnished by the Year Book of the Churches, includes — 
a considerable proportion of the members of undenomina- 
tional churches, but not all of them. 


THE UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH 71 


MINISTERS 


Of the 137 undenominational churches, ninety-eight, or 
71.5 per cent., were ascertained to have had ministers in 
1924. One-third of the entire number had resident ministers. 
Some of the churches for which information was lacking 
may also have had ministers, resident or non-resident. The 
proportion known to have had resident ministers was close 
to the 35.5 per cent. for the 179 counties, but less than halt 
the 72.8 per cent. for federated churches. The proportion 
of ministers known to be non-resident, 19.7 per cent., on the 
other hand, was 8.2 points higher than the corresponding 
figure for federated churches. The average cash salary paid 
to their ministers by fifty-five undenominational churches 
for which information was available was $1,350. This was 
considerably higher than any of the general averages com- 
puted by the Institute of Social and Religious Research.° 
It was decidedly lower, however, than the average for 
federated churches, which, as has been reported, was $1,615. 


BENEVOLENCES 


The undenominational church was charged by its critics 
with being weak in benevolences; its partisans admitted the 
accusation to be just. This view was proved to be justified 
by the statistics. The average annual contribution of the 
fifty-five undenominational churches for which the figures 
were available was $265. This fell far below the average 
for the Twenty-five Counties, which was $399. The annual 
contribution per member was only $2.17. When the con- 
tributions of small churches and of large churches were con- 
sidered separately, it was found that although the average 
contribution of the small church was only $131 a year while 
the average of the large church was $438, yet the average 
annual per capita contribution of the small churches was 
$2.18, virtually the same as that for the larger churches, 
which was $2.16.7. The proportion of the entire budget de- 


6 See page 50. 

7 These figures are somewhat higher than that for the undenominational 
church as a whole because the latter was based on cases including some 
~weak churches not giving full data. 


72 UNITED CHURCHES 


voted to benevolences was for small churches 9.3 per cent. ; 
for large churches, 10.8 per cent. A number of undenomina- 
tional churches reported that they had adopted as the pro- 
portion of their total church expenditures to be applied to 
benevolences the biblical standard for individuals, namely, 
one-tenth. For denominational churches the average pro- 
portion was found in the Twenty-five Counties to be 30.4 per 
cent. Six small churches reported that they had made no 
benevolent contribution whatever; and five other small 
churches, though reporting local expenditures, gave no 
figures for any benevolences. Thirteen churches contributed 
small amounts ranging from $6.00 to $50.00, the average 
being about $25. 

Though some undenominational churches contributed to 
denominational causes, usually to those of more than one 
denomination if to any at all, they gave more generally to 
undenominational causes. Contributions were sent by more 
churches to philanthropic causes than to missions. With a 
few notable exceptions, the undenominational churches had 
no well-considered program of benevolences ; and apparently, 
taking them as a whole, they knew very little about the great 
missionary enterprises of the world. Contributions were 
made to causes for which sympathy had been aroused by 
accidental contacts. The reports from the churches bore 
such testimony as the following: “Collections are taken from 
time to time for worthy causes’; “Anything which deacons 
choose”; and “Missions poor.” One minister explained this 
situation as follows: 


There is one drawback to a union church such as this. It has 
to make its own program without direction from any denomina- 
tional headquarters and is accountable only to itself. Where a 
part of the church has no passion for missions and no vision 
beyond self-support it is more difficult for the pastor and those 
who have the vision to push a large program through. In the 
denominational church there is always more or less opposition 
to the program from headquarters but it is rather easier to 
combat it when the church knows that Presbytery or Conference 
is going to call for an accounting and the church be compared to 
others. 


THE UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH 73 


STRENGTH AND WEAKNESS 


Questioned as to their probable future, twenty-one de- 
nominational churches reported the prospects to be favor- 
able. Most used such adjectives as “good” or “fair”; a few 
went so far as to say “wonderful,” “splendid,” or “very 
bright.” Eleven additional churches expected to continue 
undenominational. Others expressed doubt as to their fu- 
ture or mentioned certain difficulties they encountered. Here 
was evidence, fully supported by statements in letters and 
by observations in the field, that the undenominational church 
had at the same time both strong points and weak points. 

Among the strong points was the ability to unite dis- 
cordant elements in small communities in a single church. 
One of the schedules declared: “One denomination could 
not support services. Only chance for any church in town.”’ 
Another reported: “All save for the few who cling most 
tenaciously to... sectarian lines .. . are behind the en- 
terprise.” This power to unite diverse elements was further 
illustrated by the great variety of denominational elements 
represented in these churches, and by the large number of 
such elements found combined in each of many undenomina- 
tional churches. 

The undenominational church frequently succeeded also 
in leading the united people in community service. ‘‘All the 
community agencies,” it was reported from one church, “de- 
veloped after the founding of the church and are in meas- 
ure due to its unifying the community.” The country people 
of a community where three former denominational churches 
had united as an undenominational community church, al- 
though for many years there had been little contact between 
village churches and scattered farm families, were coming 
to welcome the calls of the minister, and to request his serv- 
ices for marriages and funerals; they were glad to have the 
names of their babies entered upon the cradle roll; and in 
some cases they even made some contribution to the sup- 
port.of the church. This change was taking place despite 
the presence in the village of another Protestant church. 

The undenominational church, moreover, often proved 


74 UNITED CHURCHES 


successful in rapidly and thoroughly amalgamating various 
elements in its own membership. In most of the churches 
of this type surveyed in the field, the spirit of harmony was 
noteworthy ; and in several instances this had been attained 
in a short time. The good feeling in one church was re- 
ported in a letter to have lasted since its origin, eight years 
previous; and the members of another church were said to 
“have worked harmoniously together for ten years.” The 
minister of still another undenominational church wrote: 


There is much less dissension here than in any denominational 
church with which I have ever had anything to do. There are 
absolutely no cliques nor parties to be served. Christ, not his- 
torical leaders, is the head; all follow Him and are brethren. 


Again, the undenominational church showed itself able to 
enlist in church work and church support and often to bring 
into membership, business men and others who had not previ- 
ously been connected with any church. The statement was 
once published about such a church that it was being “run 
by the sinners.” The keen minds and business acumen 
of such recruits greatly assisted many undenominational 
churches. Churches of this type, moreover, when carrying 
out a vigorous program, often attracted radical and ener- 
getic young people. 

Since undenominational churches were almost always 
organized without assistance from experienced religious 
leaders, they were influenced by a minimum of denomina- 
tional tradition, and therefore they made experiments in 
forms of organization and in methods of work. To this, 
witness is borne by these words from a minister’s letter: 


The spirit of adventure is fine. We are not bound to tradition 
and historical practices and organizations. We eliminate or add 
organizations as the needs of the people seem to demand. The 
spiritual need of the people is the law under Christ for organiza- 
tion and activity. 


The separation from denominational connections that gave 
the undenominational church the strong characteristics just 
described, also resulted, according to the testimony of leaders 


THE UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH 75 


of some of the churches themselves, in certain points of 
weakness. In the first place, a considerable number reported 
difficulty in finding suitable ministers. Until 1924 there was 
no agency to fill this need; and although in that year one 
was started, it could not at once render generally effective 
service. The leaders of some undenominational churches 
expressed the conviction that denominational boards, when 
appealed to, had failed to send them their best men. Con- 
fronted with this difficulty, churches sometimes took minis- 
ters insufficiently accredited, who sometimes proved ill- 
trained and even did serious harm. One minister, previously 
a jeweler, who had little education and no tact, occasioned 
dissension that put a stop to church activities. Another, 
popular at first as a speaker, proved to be so idle and frivo- 
lous that he estranged many from the church. Still another, 
not an ordained minister, while acting as supply, made him- 
self popular through musical and social activities; but when 
the people wished to ordain him, they learned that he had a 
bad moral record elsewhere; and in place of the enthusiastic 
teamwork of the first years of the church he left behind 
him division and disillusionment. Still another, a few 
months after combining three former churches as an unde- 
nominational church, became personally discredited; and the 
church did not survive his fall. Though denominational 
churches are occasionally unfortunate in their ministers, 
their overhead agencies afford them comparative protection. 
It is no wonder that five schedules of undenominational 
churches contained the statement that upon getting a good 
minister depended their hope of success. 

The undenominational church, in the second place, had 
suffered from the lack of expert advice in regard to methods 
of work. Peculiar gifts and expert knowledge that the ordi- 
nary layman does not possess are required in those who are 
successfully to conduct a church. The lesson helps, steward- 
ship leaflets, mission-study plans, outlines for financial 
campaigns, and the like, that are systematically brought to 
the attention of denominational churches, were generally 
lacking to workers in churches not connected with an over- 
head organization. The excellent interdenominational publi- 


76 UNITED CHURCHES 


cations now available were frequently unfamiliar to the lay 
leaders and even to the ministers. Upon the traditions and 
amount of knowledge of local leaders it largely depended 
whether or not the undenominational church had a modern 
program; and in practice, though among the churches sur- 
veyed approved methods were successfully applied by nearly 
half, the program of other churches was extremely primi- 
tive, sometimes being confined to preaching services and a 
little old-fashioned Sunday school. In all these things the 
undenominational churches, with some exceptions, felt their 
lack of the guidance and stimulus of denominational super- 
intendents. An office similar to that of the denominational 
superintendent was filled in Massachusetts by the representa- 
tive of the state federation of churches; but most such 
agencies used their influence against this type of church. 

A third point of weakness has already been made clear, 
namely, the low achievement of the undenominational church 
in benevolences. 

The undenominational church, in the fourth place, was 
found to be usually unable to obtain home-mission aid during 
the period of immaturity and later in emergencies; although 
in a few exceptional cases such aid was granted by the 
agencies of at least two denominational bodies. That this 
drawback was serious was proved by the fact that some 
undenominational churches allied themselves with an over- 
head body partly for the purpose of qualifying themselves to 
receive home-mission grants. 

Again, where the undenominational church did not succeed 
in enlisting all the denominational elements of the com- 
munity, it often aroused in the remaining denominational 
church or churches intense antagonism, which it sometimes 
returned in kind. 

The undenominational church, moreover, was found 
peculiarly open to the danger of being annexed by extremely 
sectarian leadership. An illustration of this occurred in the 
experience of an undenominational church organized by a 
student preacher from a denominational seminary. A letter 
from this young man contains these words: 


THE UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH 77 


Our basis of union was the Bible, especially the New Testa- 
ment. ... We called ourselves a Church of Christ, because 
there is no other name authorized for the assembly. Our baptism 
was immersion because of New Testament teaching and because 
all denominations recognize it as a. form of baptism. 


This church, though not connected with any denomina- 
tional body, was yet far from having the inclusiveness 
and the tolerant spirit characteristic of united churches. A 
theological student of another denomination divided a small 
community between a small undenominational church and 
a small organization of his own faith. Undenominational 
churches sometimes fell under the influence of such emo- 
tional sects as the Nazarenes or the so-called “Holy Rollers.” 
Or, again, the usurping group represented not a standard 
denomination but an intensely Fundamentalist position. The 
constitution of a Fundamentalist undenominational church 
had the following articles: 


Those finding themselves at any time at variance with the 
teachings, life and rules of the church agree to ask for their 
letters and quietly withdraw from the church. 


Although, as has been shown, the large secular element in 
the local leadership of undenominational churches had some 
good effects, it had also one great disadvantage. This ele- 
ment tended to think of the church as a social rather than as 
a religious agency. Those forming this element emphasized 
the functions of the church as to moral leadership, ethical 
education, and social intercourse; and they frequently pro- 
moted the church as an advertisement to the community 
likely to draw a good class of new residents. Various 
effects of this secular influence were experienced by certain 
churches surveyed. One church built first of all a very 
large and costly community house that it would probably 
take many years to pay for; and meanwhile church services 
were to be held in the auditorium of the community house, 
which though well adapted to amateur plays and moving- 
picture shows, was without an atmosphere conducive to a 
spirit of worship. The constitution of another church, 
though making arrangements for business affairs, made no 


78 UNITED CHURCHES 


provision either for baptism or for communion. During the 
first pastorate there were no admissions by confession, and 
there was no communion service. The second minister, a 
non-resident, having announced communion for a certain 
Sunday, found when preparing to administer the rite, that 
there were no deacons or elders to assist him, The first 
minister of still another such church resigned immediately ~ 
after an unsuccessful campaign against recognized evils that 
for business reasons the secular church leaders preferred 
should not be remedied. 

The last and most important point of weakness of the 
undenominational church—one that includes many of those 
already explained—is the lack of any regular agency bring- 
ing stimulus from without. This lack was forcibly ex- 
pressed by the minister of such a church in these words: 


If a church is going to become a real center of Christian 
activity it needs something more of a stimulus to endeavor than 
can be found in the mere normal incentive to activity inherent m 
the personal inclinations of the individuals composing the group. 
Like every other human organization, we need an ideal and 
program, always a little beyond us, toward which we bend our 
strenuous efforts. 


TENDENCIES 


On the whole, the difficulties inherent in the undenomina- 
tional church, from the very fact that it stands apart from 
any denominational body, have been found to be so great 
that it is not surprising that undenominational churches did 
not all function long as such. Many—more than can be 
counted in the absence of published data—fell into inactivity. 
Inquiries sent to reported cases brought such replies as 
these: “It has simply died. Our first pastor proved to be 
a failure.” “There are so few members left the church is 
nearly dead.” “‘No church for four years.” 

Other undenominational churches connected themselves 
with one or another denomination. At least thirty-one such 
churches are included in the list of denominational united 
churches prepared during this study. Of these churches 
nineteen became Congregational; six, Presbyterian; five, 


THE UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCH 79 


Methodist; and one, Baptist. Some of these accepted a de- 
nominational program in its entirety; others affiliated them- 
selves with the denominational body only loosely and for 
certain specified purposes. Such a transition was being 
undergone during the progress of the study by at least three 
additional churches. The number that had become denomi- 
national churches of the ordinary type cannot be ascertained. 
In spite of the fact that union churches have been coming 
into existence for a number of years, there were in 1924, so 
far as dates of origin could be learned, only twenty-one 
that were more than ten years old. 

In communities with a religious leadership that was un- 
usually strong and sustained, undenominational churches 
had flourished for many years. One of the oldest was in a 
village where peculiar occupational conditions had gathered 
many college men and women of high character with previ- 
ous experience in religious work. This church bore 
comparison with any other, whether undenominational or 
denominational. In similar unusual surroundings other un- 
denominational churches found favorable conditions. Else- 
where the most important function of this type of union, 
so far as could be judged by the testimony of these churches 
themselves, was to unite local religious groups too small to 
act independently and which were unwilling to join forces, 


at least in the beginning, under any one denominational 
body. 


Chapter IV 
THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH 


The term ‘‘denominational united church” as used in this 
book signifies a church, connected with a single denomina- 
tional body, that has definitely undertaken or had allocated 
to it responsibility for the religious needs of a public 
not confined to one denominational group, and_ that 
includes in its membership—whether regular or associate— 
elements of different denominational origins. Members 
received from other than the official denomination are not 
required to surrender creed, form of baptism, or denomina- 
tional loyalty, denominational united churches being easily 
distinguished in this way from the numerous denominational 
churches of the traditional kind that have received a large 
proportion of their members by letter from churches of other 
denominations. If, for example, a Baptist church required 
immersion as a condition of membership, it was not held in 
this study to be a united church; but it was held to be a 
united church, if, on the contrary, it received either into full 
membership or into associate membership Christians of other 
denominations without requiring them to be immersed. 
Denominational united churches included, for the purposes 
of this book, the following: 

(1) Churches to which had been allocated through inter- 
denominational agreement the responsibility for certain 
fields, and which were fulfilling the duties involved. 

(2) Churches that on their own initiative had formally 
assumed responsibility for certain fields, provided they had | 
actually received into membership persons of other denomi- 
nations without requiring the surrender of denominational 
marks. 

No church was included in either of these two classes 
that was in a community having another church of any one 


of the denominations classed in this book as of the pre- 
80 


THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH 81 


dominant type* unless there was evidence that it was 
actually fulfilling the conditions just discussed, or unless it 
had arisen through consolidation. 

(3) Consolidated churches. A “consolidated church,” as 
the term is used in this book, is a church formed through the 
amalgamation of two or more denominational churches, but 
which is under a single denominational body. If it is under 
the same denomination as was one of the amalgamating 
- churches, it is said that the other original church or churches 
were merged with this one. 

The kinds of evidence upon which the conclusions pre- 
sented in this chapter were based were as follows: mail 
schedules received from 145 churches, often accompanied by 
letters, clippings or other illustrative material; information 
obtained through correspondence with denominational su- 
perintendents in thirty states, and through interviews with 
such officials in twenty-four states, this kind of information 
being especially valuable with respect to the denominational 
type of united churches; surveys by investigators of the 
Institute of Social and Religious Research of twenty-three 
denominational united churches; and statistical data derived 
from denominational annual reports for 383 churches of this 
type.’ 

The 383 churches for which data were included in the 
statistics constituted a sample of nearly three-fourths, 72.5 
per cent., of all the denominational united churches listed. 
Those not included in the statistics fell into three classes: 
first, churches belonging to denominations not publishing 
statistics, or for which the annuals required were not acces- 
sible; secondly, churches forming parts of circuits for which 
statistics were returned as a whole, such churches usually 
not being strong; and, finally, churches not returning to 
denominational statisticians complete figures, usually on ac- 
count of inactivity. Since the churches represented in the 
statistics, though including some small churches, included 


1In case of immersionist churches, competition would naturally be with 
another immersionist church. For a discussion of other churches in com- 
munities with united churches, see Chapter XIV. 
} efit Appendix, Tables IV-XI. In these tables affiliated churches are 
included. 


82 UNITED CHURCHES 


also many large and strong organizations, while most of the 
churches omitted fell below the average in size and strength, 
the statistics given for this type do it more than justice. 


How THEey AROSE 


Denominational united churches developed in several 
different ways according to the conditions of their environ- 
ment. 


WHERE THERE WAS NO CHURCH 


Some of those studied arose in new communities, such as 
pioneer settlements of the Mountain area or of the far 
West; recently irrigated districts; cut-over sections where 
land was being reclaimed for agriculture; or mining towns 
or lumber camps, especially those owned by individuals or 
companies willing to help support a church. Not only are 
there few people in such places, but among these few are 
members and adherents of many different denominations, 
and others who are without religious traditions of any kind. 
A small number, perhaps, feeling that their need of a min- 
ister was “desperate,” got together and organized a church, 
the choice of denominational connection being a matter of 
minor importance. They sometimes selected a denomination 
because it was not one of those preferred by the larger rival 
groups, or because fewer people considered it undesirable. 
Several Congregational churches, for instance, were found 
to have included among the original members not a single 
“trained” Congregationalist ; and a similar situation existed 
for a considerable number of Presbyterian and of Methodist 
churches. 

There was a time when churches were started in many 
new communities by agents of denominational home-mis- 
sionary boards; and when in many other places churches 
organized through local initiative were fostered by home-mis- 
sionary funds. In recent years churches uniting all elements 
usually developed best when a state federation of churches 
or home-missions council, after allocating the field or accept- 


THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH 83 


ing a local choice, used its influence to prevent churches of 
other denominations from coming in. 


-WHERE THERE WAS ONE CHURCH 


A denominational community church often arose where a 
church once strictly denominational, but alone in its field, 
broadened its program and welcomed into membership per- 
sons of other denominations. The leader in such a move- 
ment was often a new minister. Sometimes he was a de- 
nominational official. One Methodist Episcopal district 
superintendent said in an interview that in such situations 
he was accustomed to call the people together and to explain 
what a community church might do for them, and then to 
put on the advisory board of the local church a good num- 
ber of men who were not Methodists. In this matter he 
confessed that he sometimes “smashed the discipline.” On 
the board of one church he put two Presbyterians, two Con- 
eregationalists, three Baptists, two Christians and two 
Episcopalians. All but two of these men later became mem- 
bers of the local Methodist church. Half the churches in 
this superintendent’s district had in 1924 a considerable 
proportion of members formerly of other denominations. 
Again, a church alone in its community was sometimes 
chosen by a denominational board as a demonstration parish, 
and was enabled to put on a community program through 
home-mission funds and special oversight. 


WHERE THERE WERE TWO OR MORE CHURCHES 


Besides the denominational community churches in un- 
churched or inadequately churched communities, many were 
in villages that had more churches than the people felt able 
to support. In some of these villages there had been a 
decline of population, or at least, through shifting of popu- 
lation, a decrease in the number of persons disposed to con- 
tribute to the support of the existing Protestant churches. 
In other communities the people had originally organized 
their churches with the idea that their villages were destined 


84 UNITED CHURCHES 


to become great cities. The change of attitude was fre- 
quently caused at least in part by a desire to obtain a better 
minister, or to conduct more effective church work. It was 
often hastened by the hard times of the farmer. 

No matter how it happened that so many churches were 
started, a time came when the people no longer felt able to 
support them all. Such changes in conditions have been 
shown in previous chapters to have contributed to the organ- 
ization of federated and of undenominational churches. The 
same factors have also resulted in the formation of at least 
106 consolidated churches. In not fewer than twenty-four 
of these instances, one or more of the churches consolidating 
had previously been inactive. The denominations of the 
churches that consolidated were the same as those repre- 
sented by the units of federated churches,* although the 
proportion of immersionist churches was smaller. Churches 
of the various denominational types, moreover, were united 
in similar combinations: fifty-five consolidations involved 
churches of the predominant type only, and thirty-two con- 
solidations were composed of churches of the predominant 
type in combination with immersionist churches. Consoli- 
dations of two immersionist units were extremely rare; very 
few included a church of any liturgical denomination. 
Seventy-six of the resulting consolidated churches belonged 
to one of the denominations represented; and twenty-two 
were known to be of a denomination different from that of 
either of the original churches, the reported reason for the 
choice in each case being to make it unnecessary for one 
church to sacrifice more than the other. Of the 106 con- 
solidations, twenty-two had been formed after experience 
of cooperation as federated churches. The consolidated 
churches were distributed among denominations as fol- 
lows: Congregational, forty-one; Presbyterian, thirty-three; 
Methodist, twenty-four; Baptist, five; scattering, three. 

Many united churches of the denominational type drew 
some of their members from inactive or abandoned churches 
in the neighborhood. 


8 See page 39. 


THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH 85 


WHEN THEY AROSE 


The organization, in new communities or in other com- 
munities without churches, of denominational organizations 
containing members of diverse previous affiliations had been 
going on quietly for a quarter of a century or longer. For 
united churches of this kind it was impossible to obtain sta- 
tistics concerning dates of organization. For the consoli- 
dated churches, dates of union could be inferred from facts 
provided by denominational annual statistics. 

Among surviving cases of consolidation only three were 
formed before 1900, and only fourteen before the beginning 
of 1910. The next five years saw the rise of ten, and the 
five years following—that is, the years 1915 through 1919— 
of twenty-six. During the next five years, 1920 through 
1924, there came into existence fifty-six consolidations, more 
than had been organized in the preceding ten years. This 
change in rapidity of consolidation followed quickly after 
the formation of the Interchurch World Movement and the 
rapid spread of home-missions councils. These latter organ- 
izations, especially through allocation of territory, also 
stimulated the broadening of denominational churches so as 
to serve and to draw into membership all religious elements 
in their communities. Like consolidated churches, therefore, 
the united churches evolved from narrowly denominational 
churches were in great measure of recent development. 


NUMBER AND DISTRIBUTION 


The number of denominational united churches listed by 
the present study was 528,* considerably more than were 
included among federated churches and undenominational 
churches together. This total, moreover, did not include all 
examples of this form of union. Since examples of this 
type were not so easily identified as churches of other types, 
it would have been necessary to have full information from 
every denominational superintendent in the field studied ; and 


4 This total and all other figures for denominational united churches 
include affiliated churches. 


86 UNITED CHURCHES 


this was manifestly out of the question. It was proved, 
however, that not fewer than 528 denominational united 
churches existed in town and country area of the northern 
and western parts of the United States; and this number 
included most of the stronger churches of this type. 

The denominational united church had fewest representa- 
tives in the Northern Colonial area; because, competing 
churches having been established there in early days, the 
federated church proved the most practicable form of union, 
and as such was fostered by denominational officials and 
interdenominational agencies. In this area were found only 
eighty-seven cases of the denominational type, correspond- 
ing to about one-sixth, 16.5 per cent., of the whole number 
of united churches. In the Middle West there were found 
186 churches of this type, corresponding to rather more than 
one-third, 35.2 per cent. of the whole number. In this area 
many denominational superintendents, distrusting the feder- 
ated church, had thrown their influence toward the consoli- 
dation of competing churches under denominational bodies. 
In the newer sections of the country, the Mountain area and 
the Pacific region, were found nearly half the cases listed, 
namely, 255 cases, or 48.3 per cent. The late origin of so 
many communities in these areas, the allocation of territory 
through interdenominational agreement, and the fact that 
state home-missions councils had exerted their influence in 
favor of the denominational united church—all these factors 
had promoted the development of churches of this type of 
union. In these two areas the number of federated and 
undenominational churches together was only seventy-four ; 
so that the number of denominational united churches in that 
part of the United States was nearly three and a half times 
as great as that of the other two types put together. 

In the whole field there were found in the towns only six- 
teen denominational united churches, or 3.1 per cent. of the 
total number. In large villages of 1,750 to 2,500 inhabitants 
there were only twenty-one denominational united churches; 
and in medium-sized villages of between 1,000 and 1,750 in- 
habitants, only fifty-one; while in small villages of under 
1,000 inhabitants, there were 225 such churches, or 43.7 per 


THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH 87 


cent. of the entire number. In hamlets there were 144, well 
over a quarter of the number, 27.9 per cent.; and in the open 
country, fifty-eight cases, 11.3 per cent. Of the entire 
number of denominational united churches, therefore, nearly 
- five-sixths, 82.9 per cent., were in places where the popula- 
tion of the center was under one thousand. The denomina- 
tional united church proved to be a phenomenon of hamlets 
and of the open country to a considerably greater extent than 
either the federated church or the undenominational church. 
In the open country the federated and the undenominational 
church had only twenty-five examples between them, while 
the denominational united church had fifty-eight. To put it 
differently, 69.9 per cent. of the cases of union in the open 
country were denominational united churches, the other 30.1 
per cent. being divided between the other types. In hamlets 
there were ninety cases of union divided between the feder- 
ated and undenominational types, to 144 cases of the de- 
nominational type. In small villages the number of de- 
nominational united churches listed was exactly the same as 
the number of the other two types put together. Moreover, 
since the enumeration of the denominational type was less 
complete than that of the other two types, the actual pre- 
ponderance of the denominational type over the others was 
probably even greater than this. 

Among the reasons for this preponderance were the fol- 
lowing: in the first place, small places were less likely than 
larger centers to have had competing churches in earlier 
years. Among new communities, moreover, it was more 
difficult for interdenominational agencies to guarantee the 
exclusive occupation of the larger places by a single church, 
as it was also harder for such a church in a larger center to 
maintain its hold upon all elements of the population. The 
fact that denominational united churches were to so great 
an extent in small places may be expected to modify the 
statistics for this type, making the memberships smaller and 
the budgets lower. 

The distribution by denominations of the known churches 
of this type of union was approximately as follows: Congre- 
gational, 205 churches; Presbyterian in the U.S.A., 142 


88 UNITED CHURCHES 


churches; Methodist Episcopal, 124; and Baptist Northern 
Convention, thirty-seven. The remaining twenty churches 
were distributed among nine different denominations, each 
represented either by one church or by a very few churches. 
The figures probably did not give the whole number of 
united churches of denominations that had very few; as it 
was impossible to interview every denominational superin- 
tendent of these denominations. To list the Methodist cases 
completely, moreover, was rendered impracticable by the 
fact that the district superintendents of that denomination 
are widely scattered. 


MEMBERSHIP 


There were enrolled in the 383 denominational united 
churches included in the statistics, a total membership of 
40,039. Although this total represented somewhat less than 
three-fourths of the total number of churches listed, the fact 
that the churches not included were to a great extent com- 
paratively small, prevents a proportional estimate of the total. 
Even the total enrollment of all the churches listed, if this 
could have been obtained, would have omitted members of 
undiscovered churches of this type. 

The average total membership for the field as a whole was 
105. The average membership for the village churches of 
the 179 Counties was 108; and that of the country churches 
was seventy-two. Now of the denominational united 
churches, about two-fifths were situated either in the open 
country or in hamlets; while only a comparatively small pro- 
portion were in large villages and towns. The fact that the 
average membership of such churches, namely, 105, approxi- 
mated so closely the average for village churches instead 
of falling between the averages for country and village 
churches in the 179 Counties, indicates that denominational 
united churches, enlisting as they did members of denomina- 
tions other than the one officially represented, were unusually 
large for their environments. Comparison of the figures 
for the different areas showed close parallelism between the 
averages for village churches in the 179 Counties and for 


THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH 89 


denominational united churches, tle average membership 
for the latter being a little lower than the average for the 
churches of the 179 Counties, except in the Mountain area, 
where it was perceptibly higher. The average membership 
of the Methodist united churches, so far as data were avail- 
able, was 142; of the Congregational churches, 101; of the 
Presbyterian, 90; and of the Baptist, 74. 

The number of additions reported for the preceding year 
for the 383 churches studied statistically was 4,332; and 
because not all the denominations concerned gave full in- 
formation on this point, the figure was less than it should 
have been. The number constituted over one-tenth, 10.8 per 
cent., of the total membership at the end of the year. The 
corresponding ratio for the 140 Villages was 8.9 per cent., 
according to unpublished data. The average number of 
additions per united church was 11.3. Of these additions 
an average of 6.4, or rather more than half, was received 
on confession of faith. 

Members were received by letter into denominational 
united churches from churches connected with any Protestant 
body. Those entering these churches by profession of faith 
were frequently baptized by whatever form the candidate 
preferred; and not a few churches nominally not practicing 
immersion had installed in their church buildings baptis- 
tries for the service of those who preferred immersion. 

In determining tests to be applied to candidates for mem- 
bership, these churches tried in various ways to get down to 
the essential beliefs held in common by all Christians. Some 
churches either had borrowed or had originated a creed or a 
covenant which seemed to them to express the essential 
truths of Christianity. Others required a general profession 
of belief in “the Christian faith,” leaving it to the individual 
to determine in what the “Christian faith” consisted. Still 
other churches required only a confession of faith in Christ, 
or of a desire to follow Him. 


DENOMINATIONAL ORIGINS 


Concerning denominational origins represented in the 
membership, information was available for 108 churches. 


90 UNITED CHURCHES 


The bodies contributing members to the greatest number of 
churches were: Methodist Episcopal, represented in forty- 
three churches; Baptist, in thirty-six; Lutheran, in twenty- 
eight; Presbyterian, in twenty-four; and Congregational, in 
twenty-three. Many other denominations were represented 
in such churches, the total number of different faiths in- 
cluded in the lists being thirty-one. Among these were cer- 
tain faiths not usually represented in Protestant churches, 
such as those of the Roman Catholic Church, Mormonism, 
Christian Science, the Mennonite bodies and the persuasion 
called “Millennial Dawn.” From two to four denomina- 
tions were included in each of fifty-three of the churches 


analyzed; that is, in a little more than half. The number ~ 


represented in each of the other forty-seven churches varied 
from five to twenty. Nineteen churches included represen- 
tatives of five denominations; eleven, of six denominations; 
from two to five churches each drew members from seven, 
eight, nine, and ten denominations respectively; and three 
churches included representatives of fourteen, seventeen and 
twenty communions respectively. The average number of 
elements for all the 100 churches was four and three- 
quarters. One schedule reported, “Our additions this year 
have included people of four different nationalities and six 
different denominations.” Another church was formed of 
people of eleven different denominations, the four elders 
coming from four different faiths. New members received 
into another church on a single Sunday represented eight 
different communions. 

Of the churches composed of four or more denominational 
elements, twenty-five were Presbyterian; twenty-four, Con- 
gregational; ten, Methodist; five, Baptist; one, Church of 
Christ; and one, United Brethren. The average number of 
faiths associated in one church was for the Methodist 
churches, 5.3; for the Baptist churches, 5.4; for the Congre- 
gational churches, 5.8; and for the Presbyterian churches, 
the comparatively high figure of 7.4. 


THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH 91 


ASSOCIATE MEMBERSHIP 


Some churches received those coming to them from other 
denominations into “associate” or “‘affiliated” membership. 
This practice was sometimes adopted because the church 
wished to safeguard certain beliefs or practices or property, 
as did a considerable number of Baptist community churches. 
By other churches this form of membership had been 
adopted to draw into membership local groups having strong 
denominational loyalties, which it was desired they should 
not be obliged to surrender. Such a roll was also found in 
use in certain communities with a large transient population, 
as for instance in several college towns. A church in one 
such environment had eighty-five associate members. The 
associate members of this last kind continued to hold mem- 
bership in their home churches, and automatically ceased to 
be associate members on leaving the community. In con- 
trast to the three situations just enumerated, in all of which 
associate members were professing Christians, some churches 
had an associate roll comparable to the old “‘society” of New 
England Congregationalism; that is, they enrolled as asso- 
ciate members persons of good moral character that helped 
to support the church. The “society,” however, had been 
adapted by Baptist churches of one of the Pacific states to 
include professed Christians that had not been immersed. 
Some churches, especially Baptist churches, restricted the 
voting powers of associate members; others received them 
on terms of complete equality. A certain church giving 
associate members equal privileges with denominational 
members had 180 associate members to 156 regular 
members. 

Among 114 denominational united churches about which 
it was learned whether they received persons of other de- 
nominations into associate or into full membership, those 
with associate membership numbered only twenty. Besides 
the college-town church to which reference has been made, 
only one had an enrollment upon such a list of over twenty ; 
and eight churches had not more than five associate mem- 
bers each. One church that had twenty-nine such members 


92 UNITED CHURCHES 


in the beginning had when surveyed but two, most of the 
original associate members having moved away and additions 
having been received only into full membership. Another 
church that stood ready to receive associate members found 
that all persons uniting were willing to come into full mem- 
bership. A number of other churches reported finding no 
need for such an arrangement. 

Far more common than associate membership was the 
reception of persons from other denominations as regular 
members on full equality with those originally belonging to 
the denomination in question. This plan prevailed in ninety- 
four churches of this type. About five-sixths, 82.5 per cent., 
therefore, of the churches for which information on this 
point was collected, received members of their own and of 
other denominations into one general roll. A number even 
of Baptist churches received people from other denomina- 
tions to full membership, giving unrestricted voting powers. 


LocAL EXPENDITURES 


The average local expenditure of 383 denominational 
united churches was $2,396. For the Twenty-five Counties 
the average sum annually devoted by town and country 
churches to local expenses was $913.° In expenditure upon 
its local program, therefore, including maintenance of 
property, coal, janitor service, salary of minister and similar 
kinds of outlay, the denominational united churches outdid 
strictly denominational churches, expending well over twice 
as much; and this in spite of the fact that a large proportion 
of denominational united churches were in small places. 
The annual per capita contribution for local purposes, more- 
over, was $22.92, which also greatly exceeded the corre- 
sponding figure for the Twenty-five Counties, which was 
$10.60. Here again the average for the denominational 
united churches was almost twice as great as that for ordi- 
nary churches. 


5 Computed from data in Morse’s The Social Survey in Town and 
Country Areas (New York, Doran, 1924), p. 80. 

6 The figure on p. 80 of The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas 
is based on resident membership. 


THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH 93 


This difference is partly explained by the fact that investi- 
gation of the subscription lists of eight denominational 
united churches showed that nearly a third of the sub- 
scribers, 32.0 per cent., were non-members; and that of the 
total amount contributed well over one-fifth, 22.6 per cent., 
was subscribed by non-members. The denominational united 
churches made a much more effective appeal to persons who 
-were not church-members than did competing churches. 
The part of the local budget received from non-members, 
however, was far from explaining completely the fact that 
the average home expenditure was more than double that 
of the average for the churches in the Twenty-five Counties. 

The average cash salary paid their ministers by 247 
denominational united churches was $1,349. The average 
salary received by ministers in the Twenty-five Counties 
was $1,030. This figure, however, is not comparable with 
that for denominational united churches for two reasons: 
in calculating it, an allowance of $250 was made for every 
minister receiving the free use of a parsonage. And also 
the figure is for the average amount received by ministers, 
often from two or more churches; while the average salary 
just given as that for denominational united churches was 
paid by individual churches. The average expenditure in 
salary per church? was only $539 for the Twenty-five 
Counties. The average denominational united church, there- 
fore, paid between two and three times as much in cash 
salary as did the denominational churches of the traditional 
kind. Of the amount in excess of the town and country 
average, applied by denominational united churches to local 
expenditures, therefore, a considerable part was devoted to 
paying a higher salary to their ministers. 

This comparatively high salary enabled a large propor- 
tion of these churches to obtain a resident minister. For 
179 typical counties studied by the Institute, the proportion 
of churches with resident ministers was not much more than 
one-third, 35.5 per cent., but for denominational united 
churches, the proportion definitely ascertained to have resi- 


¢ Computed by applying to the average total expenditure of these 1,046 
churches the proportion of this total that they devoted to salary. 


94 UNITED CHURCHES 


dent ministers in 1923-24 was about three-fifths, 58.9 per 
cent. This proportion was fifteen points less than that for 
the 140 Villages, which were considerably larger than the 
communities in which most of the denominational united 
churches were found. The proportion of denominational 
united churches having non-resident ministers was corre- 
spondingly low. For the churches of the 179 Counties, the 
proportion of churches with non-resident ministers was over 
one-half, 52.6 per cent.; for denominational united churches, 
on the contrary, it could not have been higher than 28.8 per 
cent. 

Besides paying comparatively high salaries, denomina- 
tional united churches in general made a large outlay in two 
other directions. Many of them had a higher standard of 
comfort and beauty than the average church in communities 
comparable in size, and therefore spent more money on 
music, decorations, cushions, and the like. Others had a 
strong purpose to serve their communities, frequently, for 
example, keeping the church building warm throughout the 
week as the scene of various helpful community activities. 


BENEVOLENCES 


Denominational united churches applied to benevolences 
a comparatively small proportion of their total expenditures. 
The proportion prevailing in the Twenty-five Counties was 
30.4 per cent. Denominational united churches contributed 
to causes outside the community a proportion just about 
half as high, namely, 14.8 per cent. 

The per capita contribution to benevolences of united 
churches of this type was also low in comparison with that 
of town and country churches of the Twenty-five Counties. 
For that field the ratio of church benevolences to total mem- 
bership was $4.91.8 For the denominational united churches 
of the field as a whole, it was only $3.98. For the Northern 
Colonial area it was $4.93, thus approaching the average for 
the Twenty-five Counties; and for the Pacific coast it was 
considerably higher, being $6.19. 


8 Computed from the figure for resident membership on page 80 of The 
Social Survey in Town and Country Areas. 


THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH 95 


In spite of their low per cent. of benevolences in total 
expenditures, and their low per capita benevolences, denomi- 
national united churches made to benevolences an annual 
contribution per church that was slightly above the average 
for town and country churches. This average, in the 
Twenty-five Counties, was $399; while that for the de- 
nominational united churches was $417. The apparent in- 
consistency is explained by the comparatively large member- 
ship of these churches. Their average membership, as was 
shown earlier in this chapter, was close to that of village 
churches. Their benevolences per church, however, were 
considerably below the average for the village churches of 
the Twenty-five Counties, which was $507.° 

In judging the benevolences of denominational united 
churches, however, it is only fair to take into consideration 
two facts. First, as has been said, many of these churches 
maintain a program of community service entailing ex- 
penses not usually incurred by strictly denominational 
churches. Therefore items of outlay included under local 
expenditures might well be classed under benevolences. 
Again, denominational figures for benevolences, upon which 
the averages for denominational united churches were based, 
did not for most denominations include contributions of a 
given church either to the agencies of denominations other 
than its own, or to interdenominational, undenominational 
or philanthropic causes. Yet to objects of one or more of 
these kinds many denominational united churches made 
contributions. Some of them, indeed, regularly offered to 
transmit individual contributions to agencies of any de- 
nomination designated by the giver. From a certain church, 
contributions were sent to the boards of five different 
denominations. 

Ministers and lay leaders of some denominational united 
churches, and of some federated churches as well, testified 
to a difficulty in raising the standard of church expenditure 
—especially for benevolences but to some extent for home 
expenditures also—to a level they considered worthy of the 


-9 Computed from figures on page 80 of The Social Survey in Town and 
Country Areas, 


96 UNITED CHURCHES 


new and larger enterprise. Consolidated churches tended 
more frequently than federated churches to let the standard 
for their combined activities remain at the level formerly 
maintained by the separate denominational churches, Fed- 
erated churches had more to remind them of their change 
of status; and the presence in a federated church of distinct 
denominational elements sometimes introduced the stimulus 
of competition, especially in regard to benevolences. 


TENDENCIES 


Few churches that had united as consolidated churches 
afterwards resumed separate existence. This situation was 
in striking contrast to that regarding federated churches. 
Denominational leaders pointed out three reasons for the 
difference. In the first place, people did not give up their 
own denomination altogether to adopt another denomina- 
tion unless they had a low degree of denominational spirit 
and a sense of local unity. Secondly, the transfer of church 
property constituted part of the formal arrangements be- 
tween denominational bodies in such crises. Without divided 
property interests there was less to occasion a rupture; and 
any impulse to separate would naturally be checked by 
the difficulties involved in redistributing the property. 
Finally, a strong stabilizing influence was exerted by over- 
head leadership. 

With nothing to remind them of the previous state of 
separation, with common interests and joint activities to 
bind them together, and with denominational conferences, 
representatives, institutions and history to rouse their en- 
thusiastic loyalty, the people of many consolidated churches 
became homogeneous wholes with considerable ease and 
rapidity. State Sunday-school secretaries familiar with 
churches through many visits, and denominational superin- 
tendents that had come to the field after the date of union, 
were surprised to learn that certain consolidated churches had 
ever been other than churches of the one denomination. Peo- 
ple brought up on the Westminster catechism learned to say 
that ‘“Methodists they would die.” Thus a denominational 


THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCH 97 


united church sometimes reverted to a denominational 
church of the traditional kind. This had sometimes hap- 
pened without denominational aggression on the part either 
of laymen, of ministers, or of overhead officials; in a few 
cases, however, it was ascribed to such aggression, which 
was believed locally to have been instigated by denomina- 
tional superintendents. The churches in which such a trans- 
formation was evidenced were for the most part among 
the earlier instances of consolidation; most consolidated 
churches were in 1924 too young for it to be clear how they 
would develop. <A large proportion were acting in good 
faith and to the general satisfaction as the churches of all 
the religious elements of their respective communities. 

If certain early denominational united churches had be- 
come strictly denominational, others had developed in the 
opposite direction. A few had thrown off all denomina- 
tional ties to become undenominational churches. At least 
thirty-seven others claimed independence in local church 
government, while retaining for certain purposes a loose 
relationship with their denominational bodies. The latter 
kind of united churches will form the subject of the follow- 
ing chapter. 


Chapter V 
THE AFFILIATED CHURCH 


The three types of united churches so far considered: 
the undenominational church connected with no denomina- 
tional body, the denominational united church connected with 
one denominational body, and the federated church connected 
with two or more denominational bodies, would seem at first 
thought to divide the logical possibilities in a comprehensive 
way. But there has recently developed what seems to be a 
fourth type, a church related to a denominational body for 
certain specified purposes, but independent of it in all other 
respects. 

Early in the present investigation a denominational super- 
intendent spoke of a certain church as “not a Congrega- 
tional church.” As it was listed in the Congregational Y ear- 
Book, obtained its ministers through the Congregational 
state conference, and sent its benevolences to Congrega- 
tional boards, the statement was puzzling. The superin- 
tendent explained that this church had been organized as a 
union church and still treasured its independence. “If you 
called them Congregational,” he added, “there would be a 
riot.’ The attention of the investigators was also drawn 
to other churches of this kind. In a village of the Middle 
West surveyed in the course of the American Village Study, 
for example, the minutes of a church that had originated as 
a union church recorded a vote to “enter the fellowship 
of the Congregational Church,” but without becoming “de- 
nominational.” 

The independence of all local churches under Congrega- 
tional polity made a loose affiliation with that denomination 
particularly easy; but it was soon found that such churches 
were connected with several other denominations. A Pres- 


byterian synodical superintendent, in response to a request 
98 


THE AFFILIATED CHURCH 99 


for information concerning the denominational united 
churches under his charge, described certain ones as “strictly 
undenominational in functioning but under the control of 
the Presbyterian Church.’ A letter enclosed with a mail 
schedule sent out in connection with the present study in- 
cluded this statement: 


The church was first organized as a Methodist Episcopal 
church. Later, in 1920 and 1921, it became a community organ- 
ization, although still connected with the Methodist Church both 
as to the supply of pastors and the use of benevolence contri- 
butions. 


An announcement printed for local distribution, sent with 
another schedule, contained the following statements: 


That ... in order to serve the needs of the whole community, 
no distinction should be given to any one creed, ceremony or 
denomination. ... That this church shall retain the voting 
membership of the denomination from which the church came, 
in order to get the inspiration of a great organization, the uplift 
and instruction from its conventions and the advice of its experts 
in church methods.... That... mission fields should be 
chosen from the denomination allowing this church fellowship 
and formerly represented by the Free Baptist Church which was 
generous enough to offer its property. 


These few examples, typical of many, represented all four 
of the denominations most commonly represented among 
united churches. The distribution by denominations, so far 
as these churches could be identified, was as follows : Congre- 
gational, nineteen; Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A., nine; 
Methodist Episcopal, five; Baptist, Northern Convention, 
two; Christian, one; United Brethren, one. 

Churches of this type were found in sixteen different 
states scattered through the North and the West. Eight of 
these churches were in the Northern Colonial area, eleven in 
the Middle West, nine in the Mountain area, and ten in 
the states along the Pacific coast, making a total of thirty- 
seven. 

The list was probably far from complete. Many churches 
classified as of the denominational type of union used titles 
suggesting the possibility that instead of being considered 
strictly denominational they should be classified as affili- 


100 UNITED CHURCHES 


ated. Such titles were “Forwardtown Community Church,” 
“Community Methodist Church,” “Presbyterian Community 
Church,” and “Community Church (Methodist Affiliation ).”’ 
But titles like these were sometimes used by churches 
conducted along strictly denominational lines. No church, 
therefore, was listed as affiliated unless the classification was 
supported by other evidence than that afforded by a title. 

To identify cases of this type, given sufficient informa- 
tion, was easy if the affiliation was with the Methodist or 
with the Presbyterian bodies. The question was decided by 
two facts: that the form of local church government was 
not the standard form for the denomination, and that the 
seat of authority was the local church. If the affiliation was 
with a denomination of congregational polity the matter was 
more difficult; but local people and denominational super- 
intendents usually agreed as to which churches should be 
classed as affiliated. 

Though in each case both local church leaders and de- 
nominational superintendents regarded the church in ques- 
tion as markedly different from the strictly denominational 
churches, they were not aware of the wide distribution of 
similar churches and were therefore inclined to look upon 
each as an exception rather than as an example of a dis- 
tinct type. The comprehensive view made possible by this 
study, however, seemed to justify the classification of these 
churches separately from denominational united churches. 

The expressions usually employed both by the leaders of 
such churches and by denominational superintendents, to 
characterize the relation between the church and the de- 
nominational body, were “affiliation,” “fellowship” and 
“supervision.” As the word “affiliation” was employed more 
generally than the others, especially in the titles of the 
churches, it was adopted for use in this book. 

The term “affiliated church,” as here employed, signifies 
a church that in freedom to form its own constitution and 
control its own local affairs resembles the undenominational 
church, but that is connected with a denominational body 
for certain specific purposes, usually including ministerial 
supply and distribution of benevolences. Persons from other 


THE AFFILIATED CHURCH 101 


denominations are received to full membership with equal 
voting powers. 

For statistical purposes the churches of this type were 
included among denominational churches, just as they 
are included in the statistics published by denominations. 
Thirty-seven churches would not have formed a sufficiently 
large statistical sample, especially as they differed greatly in 
size and characteristics, were scattered all over the field, 
and were found in a variety of environments. Moreover, 
lack of information about many churches made it impossible 
to isolate all such cases, so that statistics for denominational 
united churches would in any case have included some affil- 
iated churches. 


ORIGIN 


Affiliation has been exemplified in scattered instances for 
many years. As early as 1848 a certain Baptist church, so 
it was reported in a mail schedule, “decided to run on a 
community basis, and under the Methodist Conference supply 
and supervision.” Most of the examples known to exist in 
1924, however, originated very recently. Only six in the 
list prepared by this study were formed before 1914, all 
of these being Congregational; and more than half the 
total number came into existence after the beginning of 
1920. 


THOSE FORMERLY UNDENOMINATIONAL 


Affiliated churches originated in several different ways. 
Fifteen of the thirty-seven listed were originally undenomi- 
national churches. A number of these accepted denomina- 
tional supervision because of difficulty in obtaining ministers. 
The members of an undenominational church in the Mid- 
dle West, a combination of three former denominational 
churches, finding themselves unable, during an experience 
of several years, to obtain ministers except “outcasts of de- 
nominations,” as their schedule expressed it, discussed the 
question of alliance with the regional officials of each of the 


102 UNITED CHURCHES 


denominations represented, and finally decided to connect 
themselves with the Methodist Conference. 

The reason why certain other undenominational churches 
affiliated with a denomination is given in the following 
quotation: 


Our church tried the experiment of a “community church’ fof 
one year. They were not able to raise sufficient funds for the 
minister’s salary. They later called a meeting and after much 
thought decided to affiliate with the Presbyterian Church in order 
to have the financiai aid of a big denomination. 


That the desire for home-mission aid was frequently one 
of the important motives was indicated as probable by the 
fact that nine of the thirty-seven churches listed were re- 
ceiving home-mission aid in 1923-24, while another which 
was not aided that year had, however, received aid after 
affiliation. Ten churches out of thirty-seven is more than 
one in four, a proportion decidedly higher than that pre- 
vailing in the Twenty-five Counties, which was found to be 
one in five.? 

Another occasional motive for affiliation was the desire 
to be protected by a state interdenominational organization 
from the invasion of the community by a competing de- 
nominational church. Such a situation is illustrated by the 
following extract from a letter that accompanied a schedule: 


We had 103 members in an independent organization and 
everything was progressing nicely.... Suddenly a denomina- 
tional church out in the country .. . conceived an idea that they 
too must come into the village. ... They took advantage of the 
fact of no denominational organization ... failing to recognize 
the independent or community church. ... To get backing from 


a larger body the village church organized under Congregational 
plans. 


Another undenominational church took a similar step, 
“recognizing that the success of any community church is 
conditional upon some larger organization ... to give it 
permanency.” In this case an undenominational church 
and a Methodist church united as a community church under 


1 Morse and Brunner, The Town and Country Church in the United 
States (New York, Doran, 1923), p. 107. 


THE AFFILIATED CHURCH 103 


Methodist supervision. The need of backing to ensure 
permanency was particularly great in communities where 
population was shifting rapidly, as in lumber camps and 
mining towns. 

In states where there was a home-missions council or 
other interdenominational organization, this agency some- 
times assisted an undenominational church to choose a 
denomination and to become affiliated with it. Sometimes 
the church applied for assistance; in other cases a home- 
missions council, after a team survey, presented a recom- 
mendation. 


THOSE FORMERLY DENOMINATIONAL 


Other affiliated churches originated not from undenomi- 
national churches but from churches that were originally 
denominational in the traditional sense. This was the case 
with at least nine of the thirty-seven affiliated churches 
listed. Six of these made the change deliberately, through 
reorganization under a new constitution at a definite date. 
A small Disciples church in the far West, which during many 
years had failed to provide acceptable service for a com- 
munity composed of very diverse elements including some 
Mormons, after a careful study of the situation decided that 
although there were but very few Presbyterians in the vicin- 
ity, the Presbyterian denomination would be best adapted 
to give them supervision. They therefore affiliated with the 
Presbyterian Church, were given Presbyterian ministers, and 
were granted Presbyterian home-mission aid. In another 
community the change was accomplished with the coopera- 
tion of a lumber company that owned the whole town, in- 
cluding the church building that it erected for the reorgan- 
ized church. In this place a weak Methodist church, by 
adopting the status of affiliation with the Methodist Con- 
ference, won the support of residents of many denomina- 
tions, whom they registered in separate denominational rolls. 

Some denominational community churches reached the 
status of affiliation not by sudden, deliberate action but as 
the result of a slow process of growth. One such church, 


104 UNITED CHURCHES 


reporting in a schedule, “This was a Congregational church 
which became entirely independent,” and recognized by de- 
nominational officials as in great measure independent though 
reported in the Congregational Year-Book, was nevertheless 
still incorporated under its old partly denominational title 
and had made no modification in its constitution, which, be- 
ing Congregational, could be made to serve under the altered 
conditions. The change here was reported as having been a 
“oradual evolution.” 

Some denominational churches exchanged close allegiance 
for a loose affiliation because of a desire to draw into mem- 
bership people of many denominations, and to adapt their 
organization and methods to local conditions, thereby be- 
coming in full measure the church of the entire community. 
Reasons why they adopted affiliation instead of throwing off 
all connection with the denomination to become undenomi- 
national churches, are suggested by the following extract 
from one of the weekly bulletins of such a church: 


First—at this late day it would not be right to go back on 
the mother which in the beginning fostered and cared for the 
church. 

Second—it is better for every church to belong to some one of 
the orderly groups of Christians. Christians cannot stand for 
anarchy or bolshevism. It is good to have a fellowship in the 
great work of the Kingdom, and it is good to have all things 
done in an orderly manner. The minister as well as the church 
must have standing in a regular way. At present this is possible 
only through some one of the regular Christian bodies. ... 


THOSE ORIGINALLY AFFILIATED 


In states where denominations were allocated territory 
through interdenominational agreement, some affiliated 
churches were established as such from the beginning by 
denominational superintendents. This naturally took place 
chiefly on the frontier. 


THOSE FORMED BY UNION OF CHURCHES 


Still another way in which an affiliated church sometimes 
came into existence, was through the combination of two 


THE AFFILIATED CHURCH 105 


or more denominational churches. How this happened is 
illustrated in the following explanation, which accompanied 
a schedule: 


The Community Church of ... resulted from the business 
men of the town protesting against the number of churches they 
were compelled to support. An agreement was arrived at between 
the Methodist and Congregational churches that a vote of the 
town should determine which denomination remained and which 
withdrew. It was practically a vote of the whole Protestant 
population of the town which decided in favor of the Congrega- 
tional church remaining. 

The church was to be known as a community church, though 
it is under the supervision of the State Congregational officials. . . . 
The new board of trustees was made up of two members from 
the old Methodist Episcopal church, two members from the old 
Congregational church, and two representatives of the business 
men of the town who belonged to neither of the old organizations. 


The history of another affiliated church was outlined as 
follows: 


This church was formed four years ago by the union of the 
Presbyterian, Reformed and English Lutheran Churches. The 
legal name is The... Community Church. It by vote is 
affiliated with the Presbyterian Church, to whose Boards it con- 
tributes its benevolences. 


When several churches united in this way they usually, 
like the two churches used as examples, referred to a vote 
the choice of denomination, sometimes undertaking a canvass 
of the community. 

Two cases of affiliation came into existence after the 
abandonment of experiments in federation. 


CHARACTERISTICS 


Affiliated churches, though young and not thoroughly 
standardized, yet showed certain marked common character- 
istics. They shared with churches of other types of union 
inclusiveness in membership. That is, they gave, in the 
words of a bulletin from which a passage has already been 
quoted, “a welcome to all Christians on an equal BASise? a is 
The Baptist can remain a Baptist and the Methodist a Meth- 
odist. In the Community Church all have sweet fellowship 


106 - UNITED CHURCHES 


together. Each one is allowed to retain his own convic- 
tions provided he permits his neighbor the same privilege.” 
The membership thus described was full membership. If 
such churches had an associate membership, it was designed 
for other purposes than to restrict voting powers on account 
of denomination. 

As to organization, the affiliated churches were self-gov- 
erning in all local affairs; and each of them had, as a rule, a 
constitution of its own making. These two characteristics 
most readily distinguished the churches of this type that 
were affiliated with denominations other than the Congrega- 
tional. All Congregational churches are supposed to govern 
themselves and to adopt their own constitution; churches 
affiliated with this denomination, as has already been said, 
have to be distinguished by the attitude of the local church 
people toward the denomination and the attitude of denomi- 
national officials toward the church. 

The minister of an affiliated church was provided, as a 
rule, by the denomination with which it was affiliated. To 
this there were some exceptions. One church, affiliated with 
the Congregational denomination for many years, had had 
one Unitarian minister and two or three Methodist ministers ; 
yet even in this case most of the ministers had been Con- 
gregationalists. 

The benevolences of affiliated churches were generally con- 
tributed largely to the boards of the denomination with 
which each was connected. This did not mean they were 
not at liberty to send contributions elsewhere. Of a church 
already used as an example, it was declared: 


In its missionary gifts the Community Church acts as a for- 
warding agent for all the missionary boards. Each member has 
the privilege of choosing his own board. Naturally the church 
feels a special responsibility for the different Congregational 
boards. All missionary gifts not designated to some other board 
go toward the Congregational apportionment. 


The provision in force for another church affiliated with 
a Methodist Conference was that it should pay assessments 
toward the salary of the bishop and of the district superin- 
tendent but no other assessment. In dealing with a little 


THE AFFILIATED CHURCH 107 


church in the Mountain area which was but loosely con- 
nected with a denomination the name of which “just hap- 
pened to be attached,” the denominational superintendent 
said that he emphasized the needs of the local people but 
told them, “When you send money to missions remember 
where you belong.” 

The property of the affiliated church was, as a rule, in the 
hands of local trustees. This was the case even in regard 
to a certain church affiliated with a Methodist Conference. 
The property of two other churches of Methodist affiliation 
was held, however, by the respective conferences. 

A few churches primarily affiliated with one denomina- 
tion included a group of members affiliated with another 
denomination or even two groups each of different affilia- 
tion. One such church, Congregational in primary affiliation, 
had within it a group of Presbyterians and another of Meth- 
odists, each with a special treasurer for benevolences. An- 
other church, primarily Congregational, reported not only its 
Congregational statistics to the Congregational Year-Book, 
but its Presbyterian membership and benevolences to the 
Presbyterian Minutes. Another church, of Presbyterian 
affiliation, had an assistant minister who was a Baptist. 


SUMMARY 


During the few years preceding this study, affliated 
churches had arisen independently in all areas of the field 
investigated and in connection with a number of denomina- 
tions, including all those chiefly concerned in the local union 
of churches. Developing in some cases from traditional 
denominational churches and in others from undenomina- 
tional churches, they exhibited certain characteristics of 
each; and although affiliated churches had not been generally 
recognized as forming a distinct type of union, these char- 
acteristics were fairly constant. Affiliated churches arose 
spontaneously out of local requirements, being neither stimu- 
lated by propaganda nor engineered by official agencies. 
Certain affiliated churches, however, had been sponsored 
by state interdenominational agencies; and ten were known 


108 UNITED CHURCHES 


to have received home-mission aid, such grants having been 
made by at least three denominations. All these considera- 
tions taken together made it reasonable to accept the affiliated 
church, in spite of the recent development of most of the 
examples, as a distinct and important type of church union. 


Chapter | 
COMPARISONS 


Four types of united churches have now been considered 
separately. In the present chapter, federated churches, 
undenominational churches and denominational united 
churches including affiliated churches, will be compared 
statistically + with churches of the traditional kind and with 
one another. The comparison will show that strictly de- 
nominational churches in places of comparable size, exhibited 
from area to area striking similarity in figures for member- 
ship, for local expenditures, for benevolences and the like; 
and that with these figures corresponding figures for all 
types of united churches showed marked contrasts. The 
conclusion is unavoidable that united churches, regardless 
of type, are so unlike churches of the traditional kind that 
they must be regarded as forming a distinct phenomenon. 

In comparing united churches with strictly denominational 
churches, use will be made of statistical data obtained by the 
Institute of Social and Religious Research in several differ- 
ent investigations. 

These sets of data are as follows: 


(1) Statistics for 179 counties based on schedules obtained by 
the Interchurch World Movement in 1919 and 1920. The coun- 
ties were selected for completeness and accuracy of survey and 
for representative character both as to distribution and as’ to 
environment. The number of churches concerned in the statistics 
is 5,552. The data were published in The Town and Country 
Church in the United States and in The Social Survey in Town 
and Country Areas. This body of material will here be referred 
to as “the 179 Counties.” 

(2) Interchurch survey materials also obtained in 1919 and 
1920 for twenty-five counties selected for their typical character, 
checked and completed by investigators of the Committee of 
Social and Religious Surveys in 1921. These counties are 


-1Tke statistics given in this chapter are presented in tabular form in 
the Appendix, Tables II and IV-X. 
109 


110 


UNITED CHURCHES 


situated in all parts of the United States. The number of 
churches included is 1,031. This material was reported in the 
same books as was that for the 179 Counties. In referring to 
this second group of facts use will be made of the expression 
“the Twenty-five Counties.” 

(3) A few statistics for 331 village churches and for 349 
country churches in comparable farming environments of the 
Middle West. The averages are based on figures procured by the 
Interchurch World Movement in 1919 and 1920, and are presented 
in Diagnosing the Rural Church. The population of each of the 
villages lies between 250 and 750. These statistics will be re- 
ferred to as those of “Farming Villages” and of “Farming 
Country Communities.” 

(4) Survey materials gathered in 1922 by investigators of the 
Institute concerning forty churches chosen for their success in 
many kinds of environments all over the United States. Though 
the study was not primarily statistical, numerical data were 
gathered in regard to certain points. Most of the few figures 
based on these data are scattered in Tested Methods in Town and 
Country Churches; one or two have not hitherto been published. 
These churches will be referred to as the “Successful Churches.” 

(5) Statistics collected and compiled during the years 1923 
through 1925 in the American Village Study. The village 
churches included number 679. For the churches in the 140 
large and small villages taken together many kinds of statistics 
are available; and for 145 churches in 47 villages with a popula- 
tion of the center not over 1,000 and in most cases not under 
500, there are available data of certain kinds. The former kind 
of data will be identified as of “140 Villages,” the latter as of 
“47 Small Villages.” Many of the figures used here will appear 
in a forthcoming volume containing Village Study findings; 
others, including all the figures regarding the churches in Small. 
Villages, are based upon additional information in the files of 
the Institute. 


Many of the statements that follow have already been 
presented in previous chapters. They are repeated here for 


the 


sake of the clear conceptions that should result from 


bringing them sharply into comparison. 

For the convenience of the reader, the facts under each 
topic will be presented in a uniform order. First will be 
given the data for strictly denominational churches in the 
order of size of community; and afterwards the correspond- 


ing 


figures for the different types of united churches, the 


points of agreement and of contrast being made clear. 


COMPARISONS 111 
DISTRIBUTION 


Data concerning the 179 Counties show that of all 
churches in town and country area, three-fifths, 60.0 per 
cent., were in the country or in hamlets; * that nearly a third, 
32.2 per cent., were in villages; and that the remaining 7.8 
per cent. were in towns. Of the united churches, only one- 
third, 33.9 per cent., were in the country, and nearly two- 
thirds, 62.2 per cent., were in villages. Therefore a far 
smaller proportion of country churches were united churches 
than was the case for village churches. In either hamlets 
or villages of a population not over 1,000 were found 73.2 
per cent. of all cases of union; the proportions for the differ- 
ent types showing fairly close agreement—for the denomi- 
national type, 71.6 per cent.; for the federated type, 74.2 
per cent.; for the undenominational type, 77.4 per cent. 

Of the denominational united churches, however, a larger 
proportion were found in the country and in hamlets; so 
that about five-sixths, 82.9 per cent., of the total number 
of cases of this form of union were in communities with the 
population of the center not over one thousand. Of the 
federated churches, on the other hand, nine-tenths, 90.5 
per cent., were either in hamlets or in villages of all sizes, 
there being very few in the open country. The united church 
of the denominational type, therefore, proved to be a 
phenomenon of the small village, the hamlet and the coun- 
try; the federated church, chiefly a phenomenon of the ham- 
let and the village, especially of the small village. 


MEMBERSHIP 
AVERAGE MEMBERSHIP 


Since the most nearly uniform figures for church-member- 
ship available for federated and for denominational united 
churches in published denominational statistics were for 
total membership, it was requisite that the figures for the 
traditional kind of churches used as a basis of comparison, 


2 Computed from figures on page 35 of The Social Survey in Town and 
Country Areas. 


112 UNITED CHURCHES 


should also be for total membership. The average total 
membership of the village churches in the 179 Counties 
was 108; that of the country churches, 72. These figures 
formed the best basis for comparison with the averages for 
united churches; for not only were they based on the 
largest number of cases, but the village churches of the 179 
Counties were in villages of all sizes, including those in the 
small villages in which so many united churches were found, 
while a large proportion of the villages surveyed in the 
American Village Study had populations of over 500. The 
average total membership of the churches in Small Villages, 
the population of these villages being usually between 500 
and 1,000, was 146; and the corresponding figure for the 
140 Villages, with populations usually between 500 and 
2,500, was 157. 

Since so large a proportion of the denominational united 
churches were in small communities, the total membership 
for this type would be expected to lie between 72, the figure 
for country churches, and 108, the figure for village churches 
in the 179 Counties. The actual average, based upon the 
figures for 383 united churches, was 105. In spite of the 
large number of churches of this type in hamlets and in open- 
country communities, the average total membership ap- 
proached that for the villages of the 179 Counties. 

The general average for total membership of undenomina- 
tional churches was 115, which exceeded the average for 
village churches in the 179 Counties. It must be taken into 
consideration, however, that the average for undenomina- 
tional churches was raised by a few large churches, and 
that more than a fourth of the churches of this type for 
which figures were obtained had a membership of fifty or 
less. 

The average total membership of federated churches would 
naturally be expected to correspond to the 108 of the village 
churches of the 179 Counties, or possibly to approach the 
average for churches in Small Villages, which was 146. 
But the average for federated churches was 172, which not 
only exceeded these averages but even that for churches of 
the 140 Villages, namely, 157. 


COMPARISONS 113 


The total memberships of both federated and denomina- 
tional united churches, therefore, approximated the averages 
for strictly denominational churches in larger communities. 


PROPORTION OF MEMBERS RESIDENT 


The resident members of the churches of the Twenty-five 
Counties formed 87.1 per cent. of the total membership. 
For the Village churches the proportion was 82.0 per cent. 
In the membership figures given in denominational statistics, 
resident and non-resident members were not always segre- 
gated. The distribution was made, however, for the united 
churches studied in field surveys; and the figures obtained 
for the three types were so similar that they probably repre- 
sented a genuine tendency. The proportion for denomina- 
tional united churches surveyed was 79.6 per cent.; that for 
federated churches, 78.6 per cent.; and that for undenomina- 
tional churches, 80.2 per cent. United churches of all types, 
therefore, retained on their rolls a larger proportion of non- 
resident members than did the average church. 


SEX OF MEMBERS 


Women and girls formed 58.4 per cent. of the church- 
membership in the churches of the Twenty-five Counties; 
and for the Successful Churches the proportion was almost 
exactly the same, being 58.5 per cent. In the membership 
of united churches surveyed, the proportion of women and 
girls was somewhat higher for all types of union. For the 
denominational united church it was 59.8 per cent., not far 
from the proportion prevailing for usual churches; for the 
federated church it was 61.7 per cent.; and for the unde- 
nominational church, which proved to have the highest pro- 
portion of feminine members, it was 63.1 per cent. 


ADDITIONS 


Of the members of the Village churches, 8.9 per cent. 
had been received during the year 1923-24. The ratio to 
total membership of the number added during the year be- 


114 UNITED CHURCHES 


fore the survey, was lowest, 5.5 per cent., for federated 
churches. But since many federated churches received 
members also to an undenominational roll, the figure was 
inadequate, how much so cannot be determined. For unde- 
nominational churches the ratio was 7.0 per cent. The 
denominational united churches, with 10.8 per cent., made 
the best record in this matter among the three types of 
union; and they surpassed the record of the Village 
churches. 


TotaL BupcET 


AVERAGE EXPENDITURE OF THE CHURCH 


The average total expenditure for the 1,031 churches of 
the Twenty-five Counties was $1,311;° that for Farming 
Villages was $1,470; * that for 140 Villages, $2,290; and that 
for churches in the 47 Small Villages, $2,415. The Suc- 
cessful Churches had the much higher average budget of 
$4,900.° 

Both the general average for denominational united 
churches, $2,813, and the closely similar figure for federated 
churches, $2,867, exceeded not only the figure for country 
and village churches combined in the Twenty-five Counties, 
but also the average for the 140 Villages and the larger 
average for the 47 Small Villages. The general average for 
undenominational churches was $2,565; but this figure was 
affected by the comparatively high expenditure of certain 
exceptionally large churches. 


PER CAPITA 


In considering per capita expenditure, that is, the average 
annual expenditure per church-member, it must be borne in 
mind that figures for per capita expenditure have usually 
been computed in the surveys of the Institute on the basis of 

3 The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas, p. 80. 


4Fry, Diagnosing the Rural Church, p. 154. 
5 Tested Methods in Town and Country Churchad p. 116, 


COMPARISONS 115 


resident membership. Since total membership is invariably 
larger, per capitas based on total membership would be 
smaller than per capitas for the same churches based on 
resident membership; for the larger the divisor the smaller 
the quotient. For the Twenty-five Counties the average 
annual expenditure per resident member was $17.81; and 


STRICTLY DENOMINATIONAL CRURCHES 


iN 25 COUNTIES 
IN 140 VILLAGES 
IN 47 SMALL VILLAGES 
IN FARMING VILLAGES! 


tN COUNTRY COMMUNITIES 
UNITED CHURCHES 


DENCUIRATJONAL UNITED 
FEDERATED 


UNDENOWINAT? CALL. 


5 10 15 SD VEAYE, 30 


DIAGRAM III, PER CAPITA TOTAL EXPENDITURES OF STRICTLY DENOMINA- 
TIONAL CHURCHES AND OF UNITED CHURCHES. 


for the Village churches it was $16.89. Translated into 
terms of total membership, the per capita expenditure for 
the Twenty-five Counties was $15.51; the corresponding 
figure for Villages was $15.03, and that for Small Villages 
was $16.53. 

Besides these averages based on numerous and broadly 
typical cases, other figures, all based on resident member- 
ship, are available for groups of churches under special 
conditions. For the Farming Villages the expenditure 
per resident member was $11.74;° that of village churches 


6 Diagnosing the Rural Church, p. 154. 


116 UNITED CHURCHES 


in the Twenty-five Counties was $19.33;7 that of town and 
country churches with resident ministers in the same field 
was $20.96;7 and that of the Successful Churches was 
$19.93. 

The type of united churches having a per capita expendi- 
ture most nearly resembling the former group of per capitas, 
those of average town and country churches, was the fed- 
erated church, for which the expenditure per individual of 
the total membership was $17.26. Even this was dis- 
tinctly higher, not merely than the figures for the average 
church based on the same kind of membership, namely 
$15.03, $15.51 and $16.53; but also than the average expend- 
iture per resident member in the Village churches, namely, 
$16.89. The general average for federated churches, more- 
over, was exceeded in the Northern Colonial area, where 
the per capita expenditure based on total membership was 
$22.46. The undenominational churches had the rather 
higher per capita expenditure of $21.00. The annual ex- 
penditure per member of the denominational united churches 
exceeded all these, the figure for the whole field being $26.90 
and that for the Pacific coast rising to $42.10. It was thus 
higher than the average contribution of resident members 
for the Successful Churches, $19.93; and even the corre- 
sponding figure for churches of the Twenty-five Counties 
that had a resident minister, which was $20.96. The con- 
tributions, therefore, of united churches of all types and 
preéminently of denominational united churches, exceeded 
those of strictly denominational churches, even when under 
exceptionally favorable conditions, as Diagram III shows. 


LocaL EXPENDITURES 
AVERAGE PER CHURCH 


The part of the church budget that was applied to local 
church expenditures averaged for the Twenty-five Counties 
$913. As before, it must be remembered that the 1,031 


7 The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas, p. 80. 
8 Tested Methods in Town and Country Churches, p. 114. 


COMPARISONS LEY. 


churches involved in this average included many country 
churches. The average for the Farming Villages was 
$1,015. For the 140 Villages the corresponding figure was 
$1,561; and for Small Villages, it was $1,665. 

The three types of united churches had average local 
expenditures closely resembling one another. The home 
expenditures of fifty-five undenominational churches aver- 
aged $2,300; those of sixty-one federated churches averaged 


STRICTLY DENOMIRATIONAL CHURCHES 
IN 25 GOUNTIES 

JN 140 VILLAGES 

iN 47 SMALL VILLAGES 


1N FARMING VILLAGES 


UNITED CHURCHES 
OENGMINATIONAL UNITED 
FEDERATED 


UNDENOMINAT I ONAL 





Ooteases 


DIAGRAM IV. AVERAGE LOCAL EXPENDITURES OF STRICTLY DENOMINATIONAL 
CHURCHES AND OF UNITED CHURCHES. 


$2,224; and those of 383 denominational united churches, 
$2,396. As Diagram IV shows graphically, all these figures 
are considerably higher than the corresponding figures for 
strictly denominational churches, not only for the Twenty- 
five Counties, but for the 140 Villages and for the 47 Small 
Villages. In size of local budget the denominational united 
churches took the lead. 


SALARIES 


In comparing figures for salary there must be kept in mind 
the distinction between payments for salary made by the 


118 UNITED CHURCHES 


churches and amounts received as salary by ministers, who 
may serve one church or more than one. 

As standard averages for strictly denominational churches 
there are available four average payments in salary per 
church. That for the Twenty-five Counties was $539; that 
for the Farming Villages, $732;° that for Villages, $998; 
and that for Small Villages, $1,110. | 

For salary received by ministers, there were available also 
several figures, all of which included an allowance of $250 
for every minister that had free use of a parsonage. For the 
179 Counties the average salary received by a minister serv- 
ing only one church was $1,430;1'° and that for ministers 
serving two or more churches was $1,300. The average 
for all resident ministers in the Twenty-five Counties was 
$1,030.11. The average salary received from churches, ex- 
clusive of home-mission aid, by the ministers of the Success- 
ful Churches, all of whom were resident, was $1,661.7? 

The salary figures for the united churches, since they were 
drawn from denominational statistics, were for payments 
made by churches. No allowance was made for the free 
use of a parsonage. The average payment for salary made 
by the denominational united churches was $1,349; that 
made by the undenominational churches was $1,403; and 
that made by federated churches, $1,615. These payments 
for salary exceeded in every instance the corresponding 
averages for strictly denominational churches, and even ap- 
proximated and in certain instances surpassed average 
salaries received by ministers, even though the latter included 
cash equivalents for the use of a parsonage. They all greatly 
exceeded the average in the Twenty-five Counties for resi- 
dent ministers; and the salary payment of the federated 
churches exceeded the salary of ministers in the 179 Coun- 
ties that served one church only. None of these averages, 
however, equaled the average salary received by the minis- 
ters of Successful Churches. 


9 Diagnosing the Rural Church, p. 154. 

10 The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas, p. 81. 

11 The Town and Country Church in the United States, p. 147. ' 

12 Computed from data on page 117 of Tested Methods in Town and 
Country Churches. 


COMPARISONS 119 


NON-MEMBER SUBSCRIBERS 


Churches in competing situations do not as a rule obtain a 
large proportion of their receipts from non-members. This 
state of things existed even for the Successful Churches. 
The united churches surveyed, on the other hand, drew about 
one-fourth, 24.6 per cent., of their subscribers from among 
non-members; and received from these non-members about 
one-seventh, 14.6 per cent., of the entire amount of money 
raised for local expenditures. The highest proportion on 
both these points prevailed for denominational united 
churches, for which the proportion of subscribers that were 
non-members was 32.0 per cent., and the proportion of the 
budget subscribed by non-members was 22.6 per cent. For 
the federated churches the corresponding proportions were 
21.5 per cent. and 12.4 per cent.; and for the undenomina- 
tional churches, 23.2 per cent. and 12.1 per cent. 


BENEVOLENCES 
PROPORTION OF BUDGET 


The proportion of the budget devoted to benevolences in 
the Twenty-five Counties averaged 30.4 per cent. For the 
140 Villages the proportion was 31.8 per cent.; for the 47 
Small Villages it was 31.0 per cent. For the Successful 
Churches, which were carrying on heavy local programs, 
the proportion devoted to benevolences was 26.0 per cent.** 

The normal apportionment to benevolences was most 
nearly approached among the types of united churches by 
federated churches, which for the whole field applied in this 
way 22.4 per cent. of their total expenditures, and in the 
Northern Colonial area, 25.5 per cent. Denominational 
united churches, with their smaller membership and their 
heavy home expenditures, devoted to benevolences an average 
of only 14.8 per cent. for the whole field; and in the North- 
ern Colonial area, where the proportion was highest, of only 
18.6 per cent. The undenominational churches had an 
average of only 10.3 per cent. devoted to benevolences. 

13 Tested Methods in Town and Country Churches, p. 117. 


120 UNITED CHURCHES 


AVERAGE PER CHURCH 


The average benevolence contribution per church was 
for the Twenty-five Counties, $399; for the Small Villages, 
$749 and for Villages, $729. Among the types of united 
churches, the lowest average contribution was made by the 
undenominational churches, for which the average was $265, 
far below even the lowest of the averages for the traditional 
church. The large churches of this type contributed an 


STRICTLY DENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES 


We 25 COUNTIES 
§ 140 VILLAGES 
1 47 SMALL VILLAGES 


ON FARMING VILLAGES 
ORITED CHURCHES 


DENOMINATIONAL UNTTED 
FEDERATED 


CHDENQHINAT TONAL, 


DOLLARS 


DIAGRAM V. AVERAGE BENEVOLENCES OF STRICTLY DENOMINATIONAL 
CHURCHES AND OF UNITED CHURCHES. 


average of $438 and the small churches an average of only 
$131. The denominational united churches made an average 
annual contribution of $417. Among the types the federated 
churches made the best record, having for its general average 
$581, and reaching in the Middle West what was the highest 
average for any area and for any type of union, namely, 
$676; although for the Small Villages of that area the 
average sum applied to benevolences per church was only 
$477. Diagram V presents the comparisons. 


‘COMPARISONS 121 


PER CAPITA 


The per capita contribution to benevolences for town and 
country churches of the Twenty-five Counties, translated 
into terms of total membership, was $4.91.** The corre- 


STRICTLY DEROMINATIONAL CHURCHES 


TN 25 COUNTIES 
IN 140 VILLAGES 


IN 47 SMALL VILLAGES By NE SPN TOE Se BG Ae Ga ac 
UNITED CHURCHES 


DENGMINATIONAL UNITED 
FEDERATED 


UNDENGMINAT TONAL 


9 ’ 2 3 4 ) 
DOLLARS 


DIAGRAM VI. PER CAPITA BENEVOLENCES OF STRICTLY DENOMINATIONAL 
CHURCHES AND OF UNITED CHURCHES. 


sponding figure for Villages was $4.79; and for Small Vil- 
lages, $5.13. 

These per capitas for strictly denominational churches are 
shown in Diagram VI, in comparison with the per capita 
benevolences of united churches of three types. For de- 
nominational united churches the figure was $3.98; for 
federated churches it was $3.84; and for undenominational 
churches, $2.17. The united churches, with their emphasis 
on work for their own communities, were not strong in their 
gifts to benevolences; and among the three types the un- 
denominational churches fell far below the others. 


-14The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas, p. 80. 


122 UNITED CHURCHES 


NEw PHENOMENA 


The statistics from which were drawn the averages for 
churches of the traditional kind were compiled, as was said 
at the beginning of this chapter, in the course of five differ- 
ent studies from as many bodies of material, and for dif- 
ferent purposes. Yet among the averages upon each point 
there is a striking similarity. The three figures for total 
expenditure per member, for example—$15.03, $15.51, and 
$16.53—are so close together that the greatest variation 
from the common average is only 5.4 per cent. The con- 
clusion is inevitable that in spite of the differences noticed 
by an observer between any two given churches, there yet 
exists a normal or average church. 

From the similar averages just given, the per capita ex- 
penditure of denominational churches in peculiar situations 
showed some divergence. Those for country communities 
and for small villages, both in comparable agricultural en- 
vironments—$11.78 and $11.74—were alike in falling below 
the general average. The averages for Successful Churches, 
for the churches having resident ministers, and for village 
churches, in the Twenty-five Counties, on the other hand, 
exceeded the general average. In all these cases divergence 
from the general average was associated with difference in 
conditions. 

A far greater divergence from the general average of the 
per capita for denominational churches was found for each 
of the types of united churches. The per capita expenditures 
of the federated churches was 10.0 per cent. above that 
average; that of the undenominational churches, 33.8 per 
cent. above; and that of the denominational united churches, 
71.4. per cent. above. 

In this matter, united churches of the three types differed 
from one another still more widely than they differed from 
strictly denominational churches. In certain other respects, 
united churches of the three types closely resembled one an- 
other. The proportions of the total memberships that were 
resident were almost exactly the same: federated, 78.6 per 
cent.; denominational united, 79.6 per cent.; undenomi- 


COMPARISONS 123 


national, 80.2 per cent. Remarkable agreement was shown 
also in their average local expenditures: federated, $2,224 ; 
undenominational, $2,300; denominational united, $2,396. 
Closely similar, moreover, were their average payments on 
salary: denominational united, $1,349; undenominational, 
$1,403; federated, $1,615. On the first two of these poits 
the divergency among the types is far less than the diver- 
gency of all three types from figures for strictly denomina- 
tional churches. 

United churches of the three types alike excelled the 
average church in the following respects. The total member- 
ship of churches of the different types of union approached 
or exceeded the figures for strictly denominational churches 
in larger communities. United churches of all types ex- 
pended more money on salary and on other items of local 
church maintenance, and therefore had larger budgets and 
larger per capita contributions. They also received a larger 
part of their funds from non-members. 

On the other hand, the united churches fell below strictly 
denominational churches in two important respects. They 
had in their total membership a larger proportion of non- 
residents. They also made a comparatively poor record in 
benevolences, both as regards the average expenditure per 
church, the average expenditure per member and the propor- 
tion of the total expenditures devoted to benevolences. 


DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCHES, 
INCLUDING AFFILIATED CHURCHES 


The strong points of the denominational united churches 
proved to be these: though a large proportion of them were 
in small communities, their membership nearly reached the 
general average for the village churches of the 179 Counties. 
Their average total budget was more than twice as large as 
that of the town and country churches of the Twenty-five 
Counties, and considerably larger than that of the churches 
of the 47 Small Villages; it was nearly, though not quite, as 
high as that for federated churches. Their average local 
expenditures were not only higher than all figures for strictly 


124 UNITED CHURCHES 


denominational churches, but somewhat higher than the 
corresponding. averages for the other types of united 
churches. Their per capita expenditures, both for total and 
for local expenditures, were far above any of the figures for 
strictly denominational churches, and exceeded those for 
churches of other types of union. Their average payment 
for salary was higher than that of strictly denominational 
churches. They made a stronger appeal than the united 
churches of other types to the pockets of non-members. The 
additions during the preceding year formed a comparatively 
large part of the total membership. 

The greatest weakness of the denominational united 
churches that was revealed by statistics, related to their 
benevolences. The proportion of their expenditures applied 
to benevolences was only half as great as that for strictly 
denominational churches, and only two-thirds as great as 
that for federated churches. Though the contribution per 
member was slightly above that for united churches of the 
other types it was decidedly below that for strictly denomi- 
national churches; and the contribution per church fell below 
that of federated churches. 


FEDERATED CHURCHES 


Federated churches showed comparative strength in the 
following points: their average total membership was not 
only the highest among the types of union, but it exceeded 
that of Village churches. Their average total expenditure 
was the highest among types of united churches, and ex- 
ceeded considerably the figures for Villages and for Small 
Villages. Their average expenditures for local purposes 
were not far below those of denominational united churches. 
Their figures for, per capita expenditures, both total and 
local, exceeded all the standard averages for strictly de- 
nominational churches. Their average payment for salary, 
moreover, was not only far higher than the averages for 
churches of the traditional kind, but exceeded those of 
united churches of the other types. Their average benevo- 
lences of churches, though below the average for Small 


COMPARISONS 125 


Villages, yet considerably exceeded the corresponding sums 
for other types of union; and their total benevolences in 
1923-24 showed an increase over those of the denominational 
churches composing them during the year before federation. 
The proportion of total expenditure devoted to benevolences 
was about three-fourths of the average for the Twenty-five 
Counties and was one and a half times that for denomina- 
tional united churches. 

On the other hand, federated churches were somewhat 
weaker than united churches of the other types in two par- 
ticulars. In the proportion of the total membership received 
during the year, so far as reported by denominational an- 
nuals, they ranked considerably below the others. And their 
figures for per capita expenditures, both for total budget and 
for local expenditures, though higher than for strictly de- 
nominational churches, were smaller than the corresponding 
figures for churches of the other two types of union. 


UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES 


Since undenominational churches were less numerous than 
the churches of the other two groups, and since the unde- 
nominational churches differed greatly among themselves, 
the statistics for these churches were not so authoritative and 
significant as were those for churches of the other types. 
The strong points of this type may tentatively be said to be 
these: it had a high average for local expenditures in com- 
parison with strictly denominational churches and nearly as 
high an average as those of united churches of the other 
types. It is important, however, to point out that this aver- 
age is not so reliable as the averages for the other types, as 
was explained in Chapter III. The average salary payment 
was not far from the average per minister for ministers 
serving one church in the 179 Counties, and was above the 
average for the 140 Villages. 

The weak points of undenominational churches, as far as 
those were brought out by statistical comparisons, were the 
following: The average total membership, though somewhat 


126 UNITED CHURCHES 


larger than that of denominational united churches, was con- 
siderably lower than that of federated churches. The aver- 
ages of undenominational churches in respect to benevolences 
were far lower not only than corresponding figures for 
strictly denominational churches but also than parallel aver- 
ages for the other types of union. 


CHANGES FROM ONE TYPE TO ANOTHER 


Churches of the traditional sort and churches of each of 
the four types of union were found to have changed into 
churches of other kinds. Six hundred and forty-three de- 
nominational churches had entered into federations; 101 had 
become parts of undenominational churches; and over a 
dozen had become loosely affiliated. Not fewer than eighty 
experiments in federation had ended within a short period 
in separation, either partial or complete; and not fewer 
than twenty-two federated churches had become denomina- 
tional consolidated churches. Seven or more federated 
churches had become undenominational; and fully thirty 
federated churches had, besides their denominational rolls, 
an undenominational membership list. Among former un- 
denominational churches thirty-one, if not more, had be- 
come denominational united churches, not fewer than fifteen 
had become affiliated churches, and an unknown number had 
become denominational churches of the traditional kind. 


CONCLUSIONS 


From facts presented in this part of the book there follow 
several general conclusions: 

(1) United churches form a new phenomenon distinct 
from denominational churches of the traditional kind. 

(2) There were found in the United States strong 
churches of each of the four types of union. 

(3) Each type had its own peculiar elements of strength. 

(4) The federated churches and the denominational united 
churches made a better showing in almost every way than 
traditional churches. 


COMPARISONS 127 


(5) In certain respects the federated, the undenomina- 
tional and the denominational types of union differed from 
one another more widely than any one of them differed from 
the traditional church. In other respects, they strongly re- 
sembled one another. 

(6) United churches of each type readily change to 
other types. 

(7) Loose affiliation with a denominational body had been 
adopted both by certain denominational churches and by cer- 
tain undenominational churches. 


—— 





PART III 
PROBLEMS 


avy 
ir 


Miu Yh 
D8 





PART III: PROBLEMS 


Chapter VII 
COMBINING FORCES 


In the preceding section, types of united churches were 
considered separately, and were compared statistically with 
the strictly denominational church and with one another. 
The third part of the book, now beginning, will show how 
local united churches of all types have met their common 
problems. Here few statistics will be used: the successive 
chapters, each devoted to a single problem or group of prob- 
lems, will describe the various methods by which these 
problems have in some measure been solved by united 
churches. : 

How to become united has been the first problem pre- 
sented when union has been contemplated. The present 
chapter will therefore show the different ways in which 
churches or groups of individuals, different in denomina- 
tion, have formed single organizations, at least for all local 
purposes. 

It was found that union had been formed in situations of 
three different kinds: first, in communities in which there 
was no organized church, and in which the elements united 
had consisted of families or groups of families of several, 
and in some cases of many, denominational origins; sec- 
ondly, in communities having a single strictly denomina- 
tional church that had failed to meet the religious needs of 
certain elements in the community differing from itself in 
denomination; and, finally, in communities in which there 


had been two or more churches. 
131 


132 UNITED CHURCHES 


CoMMUNITIES WitrHout A CHURCH 


In communities without a church—whether new com- 
munities or communities that had recently entered a period 
of development—the initiative was often taken by state 
interdenominational agencies, where these existed, or by de- 
nominational home-mission boards; each of which situations 
presented problems not entirely local and therefore out- 
side the field of the present chapter. 

When the local people made the first move, they often ap- 
plied to the district superintendent of the denomination pre- 
ferred by the majority. In case of difficulty in choosing a 
denomination, they often turned to a state federation of 
churches or to a home-missions council, if either existed, 
for advice and assistance. In the absence of such an agency 
it was usual to canvass the community to determine, first, 
whether the desired united church should be undenomina- 
tional or denominational; and, if the latter, with what de- 
nomination it should be connected. 

An application to the Comity Commission of the Federa- 
tion of Churches of a certain far-western state resulted in 
the recommendation that a canvass be made, in the course of 
which every family in the community should be asked to 
answer the following questions: 

1. Do you desire a community church in ...... 

2. Do you desire it to be affiliated with some one de- 
nomination? 

3. If so, what denomination do you prefer, Ist choice 
EVN Ske, Send rcnoicey, joan 

4. What will you give per week to support this church? 


CoMMUNITIES WITH ONE CHURCH 


In communities in which one denominational church had 
failed to enlist the codperation and to meet the religious 
needs of other denominational elements in the community, 
one of three different courses was taken. Sometimes 
the existing church, remaining of the same denomination, 
adopted either open membership or associate membership, 


COMBINING FORCES 133 


and entered upon a broad program of evangelism and com- 
munity service. In such a course the lead was taken either 
by a denominational superintendent favoring union, or by 
a local minister or by lay leaders of the local church or 
community. 

In other situations, the local church organization, because 
its field of service was believed to be narrowed by its denomi- 
national name, or by some such denominational practice as 
immersion, changed its denominational affiliation. A certain 
Disciples church in the far West, after many years of re- 
stricted service, decided to become Presbyterian; and a 
former Baptist church sought connection with a Methodist 
conference. In a few such cases the resulting church was 
loosely affiliated rather than strictly denominational. Where 
-it seemed probable that no sort of denominational church 
could win codperation from all elements of the community, 
some denominational churches sundered relations with their 
overhead bodies in order to combine with members of 
various other faiths in forming undenominational churches. 


CoMMUNITIES WITH Two or MorE CHURCHES 


The problem of uniting usually proved far more difficult 
in a community in which there were two or more churches, 
each with its loyal adherents and each under a separate over- 
head body. Public sentiment in favor of union sometimes 
developed of itself; sometimes it was deliberately fostered 
over a long period of years before union resulted. 


CHANGING PuBLIC SENTIMENT 


Toward this change of public sentiment, influence was fre- 
quently exerted by local ministers not only through advocacy 
of union in public addresses, but through conversation, and 
through a spirit of tolerance and general friendliness. Like- 
minded ministers often brought about various forms of prac- 
tical codperation among their churches. Not a few minis- 
ters, to facilitate union, resigned their pulpits. Well-known 
exponents of the community church idea, including pastors 


134 UNITED CHURCHES 


of notable united churches, also exerted influence favorable 
to union in many places by addresses, given when practicable 
in public halls, the invitations to which were general. 

The press of many villages gave space to articles favoring 
the union of the local churches, one such paper having pub- 
lished eleven articles on the subject in the course of a single 
year. | 

The example of earlier united churches, especially of those 
near enough to be visited, was also influential. So was in- 
formation obtained from a distance by correspondence; a 
federated church in Connecticut, for instance, had much to 
do with the formation of one near the Pacific coast. 

Local discussion was even more effective. In one com- 
munity the investigator was told, “All that year, if you 
joined a group of people, you would find them talking about 
a federated church.” 


LOSS OF A BUILDING 


Popular sentiment in favor of union was crystallized in 
a considerable number of places by the loss of one church 
building by fire, lightning, or tornado. The church that still 
possessed a house of worship invited the other church to 
join common services. At first the arrangement was usually 
provisional. Sometimes both ministers were kept on for a 
time. After the feasibility of codperation had been proved 
by the enforced experiment, organic union frequently fol- 
lowed. 


INFORMAL COOPERATION BETWEEN PASTORATES 


Similar experimental partnerships arose during inter- 
regnums between pastorates, the people of the church with- 
out a minister attending the services and sharing in the work 
of a neighboring church. Such arrangements, even when 
accidental and temporary, sometimes prepared the way for 
union. Sometimes a church, with the intention of codperat- 
ing for a time with a neighboring one, purposely delayed 
calling a pastor, and occasionally the neighboring church in 
its turn had no minister and its members for a time at- 


COMBINING FORCES 135 


tended the other church. In a few cases there was a formal 
agreement that the churches should take turns in having 
pastors to serve the two congregations. 


ABORTIVE AND INCOMPLETE UNIONS 


During the years of popular agitation looking toward 
union many communities made formal attempts at union that 
for the time being ended in failure. This was particularly 
common where the church leaders were advanced in years 
and had lived in the community for a long time. People on 
both sides sometimes insisted that all the ministers of a 
united church should be of their own denomination. One or 
more of the local churches were in some places willing to 
‘unite only in what was called by a certain denominational 
official “the cat and canary form of union”; that is, they 
were ready to absorb the other church but not to enter into 
partnership with it. 

Another set of obstacles sometimes found serious were 
connected with property. Endowments were so tied up that 
the income was not available for a united church. Or 
neither side was willing to worship in the building belonging 
to the other. Or, again, denominational authorities holding 
the title to church property refused to transfer it to a church 
of the type of union locally desired. 

Denominational superintendents, moreover, in many cases 
exerted an influence cemented during years of leadership, 
to bring about a vote against union. The question, “Why 
did you vote to stay out?” was sometimes answered, “What 
else could I do, with the presiding elder right there?” 

An attempt at union that for the time being ended in 
failure, had in many places the effect of preparing the way 
for union a few years afterwards. 

In several places where a united church had been formed, 
local people believed there would have been better results 
if there had been less haste. Either a church left outside 
the union might have been induced to participate in the 
movement, it was thought, or greater harmony might have 
been attained within the united church. 


136 UNITED CHURCHES 


INITIATIVE IN UNION MovEMENTS 


Once the ground was thoroughly prepared, the first step 
toward formal union was taken by one of four different 
officials or agencies: the minister or ministers; an informal 
group of laymen; the official boards of the two or more 
churches acting in codperation; and one of the churches, 
through formal action in a church meeting. 

A letter addressed by the official boards of two churches 
to every member of each church pointed out that neither 
church was strong enough to have a satisfactory pastor, sug- 
gested that the two churches federate, and appointed a meet- 
ing to consider the plan. In many cases a similar communi- 
cation, either in the form of a letter or of a set of resolu- 
tions, was sent by one of the churches. Usually it was 
answered by another equally formal, accepting, rejecting, 
or modifying the proposal. 


Joint COMMITTEE 


A joint committee, consisting of representatives of the 
churches intending to unite, was frequently authorized to 
make arrangements. In one place the committee members 
gave talks at a union morning service. Joint committees 
were usually empowered to take up the matter of union with 
the denominational superintendents. Some superintendents 
responded cordially, attended a joint meeting of the churches, 
and cooperated in every possible way, often furnishing a 
form of constitution. Others, by strongly opposing the 
proposition, delayed or frustrated union. 


Pupsiic MEETING 


The joint committee usually arranged for a public meet- 
ing at which the matter of union was thoroughly discussed. 
One church distributed a mimeographed outline of the main 
points to be discussed. The topics included the preservation 
of denominational integrity, the success of federation else- 
where, the purposes of federation, the democratic character 


COMBINING FORCES 137 


of a federated church, the right to withdraw, local autonomy, 
choice of minister, and the advantages that might be ex- 
pected to result to the churches and to the community. 
Several mass meetings sometimes proved necessary. 
From the meeting or meetings there resulted, first, an in- 
formal agreement that union was desirable, often expressed 
by a show of hands; secondly, the appointment of a joint 
committee, or the confirmation of one already chosen, to 
make arrangements and to draw up articles of agreement. 


CONSTITUTION 


Unless the denominational officials of the area had co- 
operated in preparing a standard form of agreement, or 
unless the form of union was of the strictly denominational 
type and the denomination had for its churches a standard- 
ized form of government so that no constitution had to be 
prepared, a local joint committee had the responsibility of 
preparing a constitution for the united church. When pos- 
sible they obtained constitutions of other united churches; 
and then either adapted these to local needs or, after con- 
sidering them, drafted one of their own. 


DECISION REGARDING UNION 


The joint committee also took the initiative in calling 
church meetings and in presenting recommendations to the 
churches. 

The final decision regarding union was made by the 
churches as separate units, each of which called meetings in 
due form and put the matter to vote. Sometimes the imme- 
diate decision was to enter upon a period of experimental 
cooperation, during which the churches sought to learn to 
know each other and to act together, and experimented in 
practical methods of conducting their joint affairs. More 
frequently formal union of some sort was adopted at once, 
whether for a trial period or unconditionally. 


Chapter VIII 
ORGANIZATION 


Half the united churches of the denominational type 
that were listed belonged to denominations having a highly 
standardized form of local-church government. Because 
the structure of such churches is generally understood, 
and because denominational supervision is available when 
starting or extending them, their polity need not be de- 
scribed here. 

The organization of loosely knit federated churches, how- 
ever, presented peculiar features resulting from their dual 
or triple structure. These will be explained in the early part 
of the present chapter. 

The forms of organization of all other kinds of united 
churches were found to exhibit general agreement. The 
individual churches were far from being alike in structure; 
yet there were no details of organization peculiar to any type 
of united church. The main outlines of organization could 
all be paralleled in the structure of strictly denominational 
churches. There were found, however, adjustments to the 
new conditions in certain matters of detail. Moreover, the 
organization of united churches of the kinds now under con- 
sideration was generally planned or modified by lay leaders 
unfamiliar with traditional forms of church government and 
who frequently acted without advice either from ministers or 
from denominational superintendents. The latter part of 
this chapter will explain certain principles that governed 
these leaders in planning the organization of their churches, 
and will describe the forms they devised. 


138 


ORGANIZATION 139 


ORGANIZATION OF FEDERATED CHURCHES 
INFORMAL PARTNERSHIPS 


Federated churches were not all formally organized at 
the beginning. Where different kinds of religious groups 
had been separately organized in the local community, as 
was naturally the case whenever the form of union proposed 
_ was federation, people were unusually reluctant to enter into 
unions. For this reason a form of association that could 
not be abandoned at any moment seemed to the people of 
many communities as alarming as a trap. This difficulty 
was recognized by district superintendents in favor of fed- 
eration. One of these men said that although a formal and 
closely knit federation was more likely to endure, an in- 
formal arrangement was often easier to bring about; and 
that a loose association after a period of growing mutual 
acquaintance frequently resulted in the adoption of a closer 
relationship. Another denominational superintendent ex- 
plained the same reluctance in a somewhat different way 
through the following anecdote: When Lyman Abbott, being 
about to preach in Appleton Chapel at Harvard University, 
was asked if he would wear a gown, his reply was: “If it is 
optional, I will; if it is compulsory, I won't.” 

Informal partnerships took several forms. According to 
one arrangement, each of the codperating churches raised its 
own share of the money required, and conducted its separate 
affairs, though the services were held in the respective 
buildings in turn. This plan provided for no joint executive 
committee; and usually, but not invariably, it was not out- 
lined in formal articles. By a second and more common 
plan, a definite agreement embodied in articles and involv- 
ing a joint committee was adopted for a fixed temporary 
period. The trial term was frequently one year; but in 
certain cases it was two, three, five or even six years. 

Some churches made provision that the partnership should 
terminate automatically at the end of the trial period un- 
less definite action should be taken to continue it. Other 

churches arranged that the federation should continue unless 


140 UNITED CHURCHES 


the issue was brought up and decided. Some voted at the 
end of the trial term to continue for another trial term. 
One early federation took such a vote every year for over 
fifteen years, the action soon becoming perfunctory. Still 
other federated churches, after the first experimental period 
expired, voted to make the federation permanent. 


DENOMINATIONAL VERSUS FEDERATED MACHINERY 


When two or more churches federated, it was the regular 
agreement that each should retain its entity and its de- 
nominational relations. Frequently the separate units kept 
up their meetings for a time, and local denominational ma- 
chinery continued to run. In general, however, denomina- 
tional activities tended to lapse. After this had happened 
for a certain federation of Methodist and Presbyterian 
churches, the overhead denominational authorities caused 
the session and the advisory board to be restored. The re- 
sult was a complicated organization consisting of a board of 
trustees for the federated church, which conducted the com- . 
mon business; a pastor’s advisory committee for the fed- 
erated church, with oversight of spiritual matters and power 
to advise in any matters requiring haste; and in addition to 
these, the Presbyterian session and the Methodist advisory 
board. This kind of complicated organization did not re- 
main in active operation for any great length of time except 
in very few cases. Local business was transacted through 
a joint board or through two or more joint boards, and the 
denominational machinery became inactive, although the or- 
ganization of the denominational units remained in existence 
to hold property and to maintain relationships with the de- 
nominational overhead bodies. Dormant denominational 
churches were also found in connection with a number of 
undenominational churches. 


JOINT COMMITTEE 


The agency through which federated churches carried on 
their common activities was frequently composed of repre- 


ORGANIZATION 14] 


sentatives of the two or more units combined. These repre- 
sentatives were chosen in several different ways. For some 
churches they consisted of the same number of officers from 
each of the denominational units. For other churches, they 
were chosen, not by the members of the churches federating, 
but by the official boards. For others, they were elected by 
the congregation of the federated church as a whole; but 
were selected to give the different units equal representation. 
Whatever the method, it was sometimes the case that repre- 
sentation in the governing boards, instead of being equal 
for the units, was in proportion to membership. A number 
of federated churches having a large undenominational mem- 
bership list provided for the representation of such mem- 
bers on the executive board. Some federated churches from 
the beginning, and a good many after amalgamation had 
taken place, selected their representatives entirely for fitness 
without regard to the denomination of the candidates. 

Such a board sometimes carried out the expressed will 
of the federated church; on the other hand, it sometimes also 
decided for the church what should be done. The constitu- 
tions of a few federated churches, however, provided that 
any action of the joint board could be vetoed by either unit; 
and one such church provided that, upon the request of 
either unit, a vote of the federated church must be ratified by 
both units. 


CONSTITUTION 


Points of organization peculiar to federated churches were 
usually made clear in a formal “constitution” or set of 
“articles of agreement.’ These documents consisted of 
articles on such topics as these: purpose in federating ; de- 
nominational integrity of units; joint committee; member- 
ship; officers; annual meeting; ratification ; provision for 
withdrawal; and amendments. Other topics frequently dis- 
cussed were place of worship, creed, sacraments, and auxil- 
iary organizations. The attempt was made to settle in the 
constitution any points that if left open might occasion dis- 
pute. 


142 UNITED CHURCHES 


LEADERSHIP FROM ONE DENOMINATION 


There were found in Vermont a considerable number of 
federated churches with a peculiar form of organization. 
The strong church among two or three in the same commun- 
ity, at the suggestion of denominational superintendents act- 
ing in coOperation, sent to the other church or churches of 
the community a formal invitation to cooperate with it in its 
activities. If this invitation was accepted, the strong church 
kept its organization, and all ministers were of its denomina- 
tion; while the weaker partner or partners had a fixed repre- 
sentation among officials and on committees, and preserved 
denominational entity, overhead relations and title to prop- 


erty. 


ORGANIZATION OF UNITED CHURCHES IN GENERAL 


Except for the particulars set forth in the foregoing sec- 
tions, the organization of federated churches was similar 
to that of other kinds of united churches, with the exception 
of those belonging to standardized denominations. The com- 
. mon features of organization will be the theme of the rest 
of this chapter. 


AUTONOMY 


United churches of the undenominational type were nat- 
urally independent of dictation from denominational over- 
head bodies. Independence in local affairs was found to 
exist in a lesser degree for most united churches of all the 
other types. Autonomy on such matters is of the very nature 
of affiliated churches. One church of this type expressed 
Its sense of independence in this sentence from its constitu- 

tion: “The Community Church as a whole shall conduct its 
affairs without outside interference.” Federated churches, 
though technically connected with overhead bodies, yet 
proved, especially in areas where there was no interdenomi- 
national understanding concerning them, to be less closely 
supervised than churches of a single denomination. One 


ORGANIZATION 143 


reason for this was that many district superintendents hesi- 
tated to exercise authority lest they conflict with one another. 
Moreover, many federated churches gradually developed, 
along with the growing sense of unity, a disregard of de- 
nominational distinctions and affiliations. This attitude was 
fostered for many federated churches by the existence of an 
undenominational list of members. Many united churches 
even of the denominational type, felt an unusual degree of 
local independence. 


NON-MEMBER CONSTITUENCY 


The non-member constituency reached by many united 
churches was afforded a voice in church management through 
several distinct methods. One of these was the parish or 
society of New England Congregationalism, still normally in 
force in occasional denominational churches in New Eng- 
land. By some united churches it was called the parish or 
the congregation ; by others the civil organization; or, where 
the church was incorporated, the incorporation. This larger 
constituency of the church, including church-members and 
the non-member supporters, attended to all material affairs, 
held and administered property, handled financial matters, 
hired the minister, and the like. Persons belonging to the 
parish but not to the church were allowed to vote on matters 
affecting the community ; and by many united churches they 
were admitted to some official positions. 

Where there was no distinct organization of this kind, a 
similar result was secured in many cases through associate 
membership; the associate members—who included those 
persons not church-members who would naturally ally them- 
selves with the church—being allowed a vote on many mat- 
ters in recognition of their financial support and their service 
of other kinds. Other united churches, instead of using the 
term “associate membership,” extended limited voting privi- 
leges to “supporters” as well as to members. At least one 
united church, while allowing a vote to all supporters, re- 
fused the voting privilege even to members who were not 
contributors. 


144 UNITED CHURCHES 


A considerable number of united churches made pro- 
vision for the holding of office by persons that were not 
members. Many elected such persons trustees, members of 
the financial committee, and even members of the executive 
board. A few restricted the number of non-members that 
could be elected to a given group. 


DEMOCRATIC VERSUS REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT 


Some of the local churches combining to form united 
churches had belonged to denominations that allowed all 
members equal voice in church affairs. Others had been of 
denominations providing that the church business should be 
performed through a session or other delegated group. That 
is, there were in the melting pot churches with a democratic 
form of government and others with a representative polity. 
One of the oldest federated churches, recently reorganized, 
clearly indicated its choice of a democratic government in 
these words from the new constitution: 


The government of this church is vested in its members and 
regular supporters, who exercise the right of control in all its 
affairs. 

Most of the united churches with this kind of govern- 
ment had an executive board of some sort through which 
they acted. A typical situation was clearly expressed in the 
following extract from the constitution of an undenomina- 
tional church: 


The membership ... shall constitute the final authority for 
settling all questions that may arise as to the policy and work of 
the church, but in the hands of an official board composed of nine 
members of the church shall be vested the authority for carrying 
out the expressed wishes of the membership and for transacting 
all business. 


Some churches provided that this executive committee 


should introduce all business considered by the church. A 
certain constitution expressed this arrangement as follows: 


...A Cabinet shall consider all questions of public impor- 
tance and make a recommendation on same to the church before 
being acted upon by the church. The church is under no obliga- 
tions, however, to accept the recommendations of the Cabinet. 


ORGANIZATION 145 


A form of articles extensively used was that of the Massa- 
chusetts Federation of Churches, which had the distinction 
of being the only state federation officially sponsoring 
churches of any form of union other than the denominational 
type. These articles stated: 


The joint committee shall have the management of all business 
affairs, subject to the advice and approval of the constituent 
churches. 


That the expression “advice and approval” implied full con- 
trol is shown by this further quotation from the same form: 


So far as the polity or discipline of the constituent Churches 
permits, the members of the Federated Church shall decide all 
questions of work and worship. 


Some united churches authorized the executive board to 
act for the church in minor matters. To a provision of 
this kind, a certain church added: 


But all such matters must be referred to the church on request 
of any one member of the committee. 


In contrast to these united churches of the congregational 
type, other united churches had a representative form of 
government. The authority deputed to the board of control 
of a certain federated church is defined as follows: 


The Board of Control shall have jurisdiction over all ques- 
tions that shall concern the codperative congregations, except 
those of a strictly denominational character. Its acts shall be 
binding upon the Association. ... All money ... shall be col- 
lected under the direction of the Board of Control. ... Sacra- 
ment shall be administered as the Board of Control shall de- 
termine. ... The minister shall be chosen and his salary de- 
termined by the Board of Control, subject to ratification by the 
associated churches. 


In one church the executive committee was allotted more 
authority than the minister. The constitution read: 


The Cabinet shall have financial, social, and religious activities 

- under its direct supervision. .. . Both the congregation and the 

pastor are under moral obligations to be loyal to the leadership 
of the Cabinet. 


146 UNITED CHURCHES 


The executive board was usually authorized to appoint its 
own officers, and to organize committees responsible for 
specified tasks. Sometimes it was empowered to make regu- 
lations governing not only’ its own actions but those of the 
church. In not a few cases it was given discretionary power 
to undertake duties not specifically entrusted to it. For ex- 
ample, by one constitution it was granted “such other powers 
and duties as it may appropriately assume in harmony with 
the spirit and letter of this constitution.” 

Certain churches with a representative form of govern- 
ment provided methods for checking the powers delegated 
to the cabinet. Some churches provided that any member 
might attend the meetings of the executive board. Others 
made constitutional provision for referring any action of the 
board to a vote of the church itself. 

The democratic form of government predominated among 
the united churches of New England, where it was tradi- 
tional and was still common in denominational churches. 
Even there, however, there were found united churches 
governed through representatives. Over the rest of the 
country both forms were found; but the representative form 
seemed to be more common, especially for federated 
churches. 

The form of church government was usually not thought 
out beforehand, but developed gradually. Some united 
churches started with a government of one of the two types, 
and gradually drifted toward the other. Several federations, 
both units of which represented denominations congrega- 
tional in polity, were governed through representatives. A 
number of churches or church councils worked out institu- 
tions and practices for the local church by the method of 
trial and error, embodying them in a revised constitution 
only when they had been thoroughly tested by experience. 


ADMINISTRATIVE AGENCY 
Name 


The boards conducting the affairs of united churches had 
a great variety of titles, such as “executive committee,” 


ORGANIZATION 147 


“governing board,’ “church cabinet,” and the like. This 
variety of titles, and especially the secular nature of some 
of the terms employed, “board of directors,” for example, 
illustrate the local origin of the forms of government, the 
freshness. of attack, and the non-ecclesiastical, business 
leadership. 


Number of Members 


The size of these executive committees varied from five 
members to twenty, the numbers most frequently found 
ranging from nine to twelve. One church, finding its board 
inconveniently large, added a smaller committee, the mem- 
bers chosen by the pastor from each denominational unit to 
serve in general in an advisory capacity, but empowered to 
act in matters requiring haste. 


Methods of Selection 


The members of the board were sometimes such by virtue 
of their position as church officers, chairmen of committees, 
or heads of auxiliary organizations. In other cases they 
were elected by the church. These two methods were some- 
times combined, as for example where, in addition to its 
members ex officio, the board included three members at 
large, elected by one united church from the members of the 
church, and by another from among non-members. Occa- 
sionally the provision was made that the board itself might 
elect additional members. Vacancies in the board were filled 
sometimes by the church and sometimes by the board. 

It was not infrequently provided that the members of the 
board should come from the different denominations repre- 
sented. For example, a church with a board of trustees of 
eleven members provided that each denomination repre- 
sented in the church, which was undenominational, should 
be represented by at least one member and by not more than 
three. The undenominational membership of some feder- 
ated churches was given representation on the boards. The 
desire to give a fair representation to different denomina- 


148 UNITED CHURCHES 


tional elements, however, was by some united churches 
gradually forgotten as amalgamation progressed; and the 
one idea in choosing executives came to be the selection of 
those best adapted for each task. Presbyterian members of 
the board of a certain federated church happened to be 
replaced in two instances by Methodists. 

Certain churches made formal provision for the election 
of women members to the committee. More than one church 
provided that representation should be equally divided be- 
tween the sexes. Few, if any, united churches were guided 
wholly by men. The minister was frequently a member of 
the governing body. Some churches made him chairman; 
but other churches on the contrary provided that he should 
be only an advisory member without a vote. 


Length of Service 


For some united churches the members of the governing 
board were elected annually. Others had a term of two or 
of three years, in which case groups of members were elected 
in rotation. A considerable number of united churches 
regularly reélected most or all of their representatives; in 
some cases virtually the same board had been in office ever 
since union. Others, out of the desire to train new leaders 
and to afford an opportunity for service to a larger number 
of persons, arranged that the same man should not serve 
more than two terms in succession, or in some instances 
should serve only one term. A certain board of ten members 
to whom was assigned the duty of nominating twenty candi- 
dates for members of the board for the ensuing year, on the 
first occasion included their own names, because they felt 
that at that stage the policy should be continuous. All were 
reelected. ‘The following year, believing that the time was 
come to enlist new leaders, they included among the candi- 
dates the names of only half their own number, the choice 
being determined by lot. The five were all reélected. 


ORGANIZATION 149 


Chairman 


Some constitutions provided that the chairman of the gov- 
erning body should be the minister; others, that this office 
should be held by a layman. Ifa layman, the chairman was 
sometimes elected by the church and sometimes by the board 
itself. The titles used included chairman, moderator, and 
president. The chairman of this committee sometimes served 
also as moderator for church meetings. 


Frequency of Meetings 


Provision was sometimes made that the board should 
meet quarterly. In other cases it was arranged that it should 
be called together when occasion should arise. Many such 
boards met once a month, having apparently plenty to do; 
and in general they applied themselves to their work with 
regularity and energy. 


SPECIALIZATION 


Up to this point it has been taken for granted that the 
administrative power was vested in a single, unified group. 
This was true for the great majority of united churches. 
But a considerable number of churches, representing the 
four types of union, distributed responsibility among two 
or more committees. Some assigned to one group the 
charge of spiritual matters and to a second the care of 
property and business affairs. Others had three boards, 
perhaps dividing between two of them the responsibility for 
property and for finances. Others added one or more de- 
partments to take charge of such matters as benevolences, 
religious education, social affairs, music, missions, and so on. 
For some churches these agencies acted independently of 
one another. 


COORDINATION 


’ Other churches, however, coérdinated all such agencies by 
putting them under the direction of a single board. One 


150 UNITED CHURCHES 


method by which this was accomplished was to include in 
the main board the chairmen of committees or departments. 
Another was to provide that the general board should be 
made up of lesser boards appointed by the church. Accord- 
ing to a third method, the main board appointed committees, 
sometimes made up entirely of its own members and some- 
times including others. : 

The Sunday school, the young people’s society, the 
women’s organizations, and any other auxiliaries of the 
church were afforded supervision in several different ways. 
Some constitutions provided that the heads of such organiza- 
tions should be ex officio members of the board; others made 
the arrangement that the auxiliaries should be under the 
supervision of the board, sometimes providing also that the 
board should either elect the Sunday-school superintendent 
or should ratify the election of all officers of auxiliaries. 
The auxiliaries of some churches were expected to make 
an annual report to the board; and those of others 
could adopt rules only with the approval of the governing 
council. 


OFFICERS 


United churches proved to have the usual church officers. 
These officers were elected either by the members of the 
church at an annual meeting, or by the governing board, 
or some officers by one method and some by the other. 
Where officers were chosen by the church, it was not un- 
common for provision to be made for a nominating com- 
mittee, usually named by the governing board but sometimes 
by a subordinate board such as a board of trustees. 

A certain undenominational church provided for the dis- 
missal of an officer “who refuses or neglects to attend to 
the duties of his office, or whose irregularity at services or 
committee meetings of the church renders his service and 
influence deficient, except in case of sickness or like reason- 
able cause.”’ 

The duties assigned to officers, though commonly the 


ORGANIZATION 151 


standard tasks, were sometimes unusual. A certain church, 
for example, provided that the duties of deacons should be, 
in addition to the distribution of the elements at the Lord’s 
Supper, to act as ushers and to solicit funds under the direc- 
tion of the executive committee. The same church pro- 
vided for six deaconesses, whose duties were to be the 
“care of the Lord’s table . . . supervision of the housekeep- 
ing of the Lord’s house,” and “the ministry of the poor and 
unfortunate . . . the sick and afflicted.” 

As in respect to the members of the official board, a pro- 
vision was frequently made that church officers should have 
a limited tenure of office. An undenominational church had 
reélected the four deacons so many times that they were 
virtually in office for life. Two additional deacons were 
provided for and the minister was asked to tell each new 
appointee that after his three-year term he was expected to 
refuse reélection. Another church provided that no officer 
should be reélected till after the lapse of one year, except by 
a three-fourth’s vote. 


CHANGES IN ORGANIZATION 


The fact that the movement towards the union of local 
churches is new, and that consequently fitting forms of 
organization have not yet been developed and standardized, 
has often brought it about that arrangements originally 
adopted proved undesirable and were afterwards changed. 
Sometimes a change of practice was made in direct opposi- 
tion to provisions of the constitution. Sometimes the consti- 
tution was amended or replaced. Of the eighty-three united 
churches surveyed in the field, fifteen had reorganized their 
church government, either remodeling the constitution 
radically or making an entirely new one. The process of 
experiment still continued. 


SUMMARY 


Though the main outlines of the organization of united 
churches were not radically new, it was found that the 


152 UNITED CHURCHES 


leaders of united churches had made many experiments in 
details of government. 

Because many of the church leaders were business men, 
the forms of government and the methods of work tended to 
be unusually secular and practical. 

There were often in evidence one or both of two comple- 
mentary tendencies; a tendency to delegate to different 
groups responsibility for various phases of church activity; 
and a tendency to coordinate all such groups under a single 
supervisory board. 

Both the democratic and the representative forms of 
government were represented by many united churches, the 
representative form being more common, especially among 
federated churches outside New England. 

Changes in form of organization had been frequent and 
were still in process. 


Chapter IX 
BASIS OF MEMBERSHIP 


The harmonizing of conflicting requirements for member- 
ship presented one of the most difficult problems faced by 
newly organized united churches. For centuries churches 
of almost all denominations have required of candidates for 
admission the acceptance of certain theological dogmas; and 
churches of certain denominations have made obligatory a 
specified form of baptism. The amount of doctrine re- 
quired, to be sure, has not been so great as is sometimes 
believed: to become a member of a Presbyterian Church, 
for example, it is not obligatory to subscribe to the West- 
minster Catechism, with its articles on “effectual calling,” 
“predestination,” and “saving faith”; and to be confirmed in 
the Episcopal Church, it is not necessary to assent to the 
thirty-nine articles. Moreover, doctrinal requirements are 
on the decrease. In 1924, for example, the General Confer- 
ence of the Methodist Episcopal Church did away entirely 
with the doctrinal test for admission to membership. 

Yet it remains true that rites inconsistent with one an- 
other are required of new members by even the denomina- 
tions whose local churches are often found combined in 
organic unions. A Unitarian and a trinitarian Congrega- 
tional church desiring to federate, for example, faced the 
difference in their respective beliefs concerning the person- 
ality of Christ. An equally puzzling situation was en- 
countered when a church of Disciples, to which baptism 
through immersion was of paramount importance, considered 
union with an organization of Methodists unwilling to cast 
discredit on their own and their parents’ baptism, which 
was of course by sprinkling. These are but two examples of 
numerous and very real difficulties. Moreover, the problem 


was not limited to harmonizing the doctrines and the rites 
153 


154 UNITED CHURCHES 


of the comparatively few denominations whose local churches 
formed organic combinations. Churches of all types of 
union enlisted in membership individuals from a large range 
of religious faiths; and united churches usually also made a 
distinct effort to enlist persons of no denominational ad- 
herence. To assimilate recruits of diverse denominational 
origins and those outside all denominations, required not 
only the spirit of tolerance and of compromise, but the skill- 
ful adjustment of technical requirements. 

In meeting this serious problem, united churches showed 
certain peculiar advantages over denominational churches of 
the usual variety. In the first place, the fact that a church 
was a united church at all implied a reduced sense of theo- 
logical distinctions and the presence to a certain extent of 
the spirit of unity. United churches also laid their emphasis 
differently from ordinary churches. To them the religious 
interests of the local community bulked larger than allegiance 
to any denomination; and they ascribed greater importance 
to brotherhood, to service, and to the social gospel, than to 
intellectual assent to theological doctrines. The leaders of 
united churches, moreover, being often laymen from the 
world of business or from secular professions, attributed 
more importance than do most church leaders to practical 
considerations. For all these reasons, united churches in 
determining requirements for membership were not en- 
. deavoring to keep people out but to take in as many as 
possible. 

In so doing, they experienced one peculiar difficulty. 
Their membership almost invariably included conservative 
persons with so strong a sense of the preéminent worth of 
their own doctrines or practices that they conscientiously 
struggled to impose them upon all others. This element in 
the situation rendered particularly important in the initial 
stages wisdom and tact on the part of leaders, both minis- 
ters and laymen. 


PRINCIPLES 


The practical methods in use are based upon four differ- 
ent principles, as follows: 


BASIS OF MEMBERSHIP 155 


First, Option. Theological beliefs and the form of bap- 
tism, especially the latter, were frequently left to the con- 
science of the individual. 

Secondly, Vagueness. The statement of faith was some- 
times purposely expressed in language so vague or so com- 
prehensive that it could be interpreted according to the 
convictions of the individual. 

Thirdly, Elimination. The creed was occasionally limited 
to those points about which the local people were in practical 
agreement. 

Finally, Essentiality. Some united churches endeavored 
to ignore what the members regarded as superficial differ- 
ences, and to have regard only for what seemed to them the 
essential verities held in common by all Christians. 

These principles were applied either singly or in combina- 
tion. The methods by which they were applied were fre- 
quently embodied by the churches in their constitutions, their 
creeds, or their covenants. Some of the methods were used 
only by churches of one type of union, while others were 
common to many united churches without regard to type. 
The methods of both kinds will be presented here largely 
through typical extracts from the official church documents. 


MetTHops PECULIAR TO CERTAIN TYPES 
METHODS OF UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES 


A method employed by a considerable number of unde- 
nominational churches was the acceptance of existing mem- 
bership in denominational churches. The provision in one 
constitution read: 


The membership shall be open to all who are now identified 
with any of the existing denominations, without in any way inter- 
fering with present church affiliations. 


Such an arrangement for plural membership was com- 
mon. Another church exacted “bona fide membership in 
one of the twenty-six ... evangelical denominations co-' 
operating with the Home Missions Council” of the district 


156 UNITED CHURCHES 


in question. The restriction to evangelical denominations 
was not infrequent. Applicants not already members were 
sometimes required to be, to quote from one constitution: 


Received into some Protestant evangelical church, or.. 
baptized by some regularly ordained minister of a Protestant 
evangelical church. In other words, as this is a federated church 
of all denominations, we entrust all those converts made in our 
services to be first received by the denominational church of their 
choice; or, if there is no preference, that they be first baptized 
by some regularly ordained minister of a Protestant evangelical 
church. 


A similar provision was the following: 


Applicants who are not already members of another church 
may become members of this church by answering satisfactorily 
the regular questions usually asked by the denomination of the 
applicant’s choice. 


METHODS OF FEDERATED CHURCHES 


Many loosely-knit federated churches, instead of having a 
single method of receiving members to the united church, 
provided that each unit should receive its own members ac- 
cording to the regular denominational procedure. Federated 
churches using this method sometimes experienced the diffi- 
culty that although newcomers preferring one or another of 
the denominations represented readily joined such denomi- 
national units, those of any other denomination and also 
those without a preference, in uncertainty as to which unit 
to choose, often failed to ally themselves with either. For 
this reason, among others, many federated churches adopted 
an undenominational membership roll. Reorganized fed- 
erated churches and many federated churches that had from 
the beginning a closer form of union, used a combined roll 
for the federated church as a whole. To churches of this 
last kind and also to the undenominational membership list 
of other federated churches, applies what will be said later 
in this chapter concerning united churches without regard to 


type. 


BASIS OF MEMBERSHIP 157 


METHODS OF DENOMINATIONAL UNITED CHURCHES 


Denominational united churches of denominations with a 
standardized form of local-church government had certain 
peculiar methods of facilitating the reception of members 
from other denominations. One of these methods consisted 
of associate membership, of which an account was given in 
the chapter on this type of united churches. This form of 
“membership, however, as has been shown, was found to be 
less prevalent than was frequently supposed. A large ma- 
jority of denominational united churches received individuals 
from other denominations to full membership. To win such 
persons they emphasized the parts of their creeds belonging 
to the common heritage of all Christians. Where strict ad- 
herence to the letter of denominational rules would have 
tended to keep out recruits, they sometimes modified or 
ignored denominational regulations. This policy was illus- 
trated by the practice of a minister of a consolidated church 
allied with the Reformed Church in the United States. One 
of the questions in the reception service of that denomina- 
tion asks whether the candidate accepts the Heidelburg Con- 
fession. As this historic document, which consists of 129 
questions grouped in ten lessons, was quite unfamiliar to 
many of the prospective members, the minister omitted this 
question altogether. Ministers confessing such liberties jus- 
tified their action by declaring or implying that their de- 
nomination had become penetrated by a spirit of tolerance 
not as yet embodied in accepted usages. 


Metuops Usep spy ALL Types 


The methods of harmonizing divergent denominational 
practices concerning the reception of members that remain 
to be considered are employed indiscriminately by many 
united churches of all types except denominational united 
churches connected with bodies of highly centralized polity, 
and federated churches leaving the matter in the hands of 
their respective units. 

- One of the most common methods was to require accept- 


158 UNITED CHURCHES 


ance of the Apostles’ Creed. This creed was adopted by a 
certain united church as the standard of belief in these words 


from its constitution : 


We declare our union in faith and love with all who love our 
Lord Jesus Christ ... and accept the Creed known in history 
as the Apostles’ Creed as the doctrinal basis of our union. 


The creed followed. Some churches adopted a shortened 
or slightly modified form of this creed. 

For the use of the Apostles’ Creed, reasons were often 
given. In the first place, it is time-honored and well known, 
having been used for centuries in the early church as a bap- 
tismal test, and still is the official creed of many denomina- 
tions and of numerous local churches free by their polity to 
choose their own statement of belief. To many of those 
responsible for the conditions of membership of united 
churches, this document summarized the essential beliefs of 
Christianity. Secondly, it has become not unusual to inter- 
pret the language of this creed figuratively. A Universalist 
member of a committee on articles expressed herself as 
willing to accept this creed, which she said was “all right if 
you don’t take it literally.” This conception of the Apostles’ 
Creed as a poetical expression of truth appeared to be not 
uncommon among leaders of united churches. 

Not every united church adopted a definite creed. Some 
purposely phrased the matter in vague, general terms, as 
here: 


We believe in the fundamental principles of the Christian Faith 
as held and taught by Protestant Christianity. 


Another church added: 


We insist, however, that this belief shall be evangelical, and 
consonant with the creeds of the major Protestant Churches. 


The formulas frequently included echoes of denomina- 
tional baptismal and reception services. ‘‘We will not debar 
from our membership any who truly desire ‘to flee from the 
wrath to come,’” suggests such an origin; as does “Do you 
renounce the devil and all his works?” and “Is it your will 


BASIS OF MEMBERSHIP 159 


to be baptized in this faith?” Such echoes emphasize the 
fact that the developing creeds of united churches were 
rooted in the faith of the past, as does the presence in some 
formulas of such petrified phrases as “merits and media- 
tion,” and “‘the same in substance, equal in power and glory.” 
Phrases of this kind were more often found in statements 
of belief adapted from older creeds, and in statements pre- 
pared by ministers. 

The Bible was very generally accepted as the standard of 
belief and conduct, being sometimes stated to be “the basis 
of religious belief and obligation,” and sometimes “‘the rule 
of our faith and practice.” In some cases the standard thus 
adopted was the New Testament. 

Other statements of belief showed independent efforts to 
express the essence of Christianity in forms of words that 
might be acceptable to all local elements. One church de- 
clared, “Love to God and good will to men shall be our 
bond of union.” This particular church, however, added to 
this announcement a short creed. Inconsistencies of this 
kind, which proved to be not uncommon, are explicable as 
resulting either from compromise or from a natural failure 
to attain sharp thinking in a very difficult field. Two or 
three churches at least adopted as their standard the com- 
mand, “Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, 
and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind; and thy 
neighbor as thyself.” By one church this form was used in 
combination with other tests. Another church, which had 
adopted this formula at organization, changed it afterwards, 
on the ground that it was ethical rather than distinctly 
Christian. After the change only two persons withdrew, 
and one of these was thought to have been influenced by 
motives not exclusively connected with the circumstance. 
Another formula found in use, although not as a sole 
standard, was the Golden Rule. Still another was this: 

As a church we believe in the Fatherhood of God, the Brother- 
hood of Man, the Saviourhood of Christ, and the Sacrificial 
Life of Service. 

More than one united church used Peter’s confession, 
“Thou art the Christ, the Son of the Living God.” 


160 UNITED CHURCHES 


This last formula illustrates a frequent tendency to focus 
the statement of belief, sometimes in connection with other 
doctrines, sometimes in emphatic isolation, on belief in and 
discipleship toward Jesus Christ. One statement made “the 


basis of union for work and worship . . . simply the teach- 


ings of Jesus Christ,” and used this form: 


I believe with all my heart that Jesus Christ is the Son of 
God and the saviour of men. Accepting Him as my Saviour I 
promise to obey Him in all things according to the measure of 
my knowledge of His will. 


The entire statement of “Qualifications for Membership” 
of another church is this: 


This church will welcome into its membership any person who — 


loves the Lord Jesus Christ and who purposes to live according 
to His law of love. 


Both these statements resembled many others in stressing 
not doctrines about Jesus, but the attempt to do His will. 
The “Ideals and Doctrines” of a certain church expresses 
this attitude as follows: 


Members are expected to live earnest Christian lives, emphasis 
being placed upon discipleship of Jesus Christ rather than upon 
theological tenets and opinions. 


A test frequently applied was similarity of purpose, as in 
the following extract from a constitution: 


Independence in thinking but community in purpose is en- 
couraged. 


» 


Another constitution declared: 


All persons who are in sympathy with the character and pur- 
pose of this church are cordially welcome to its fellowship. 


Among common objects of endeavor one sometimes given 
specific mention was the welfare of the local church. “As 
members of this church,” said one covenant, “we promise, 
with God’s help, to try to keep peace, unity, and good fellow- 
ship in that body.” 


4 
7 
i 
‘ 





BASIS OF MEMBERSHIP 161 


Another was the service of the community. A certain 
“Statement of Association” concluded: 


We believe in loving one another, and in helping one another, 
so that the prayer “Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven” 
may be answered in our community life. 


The “Bond of Fellowship” of another church declared: 


We accept the religion of love and service which Jesus lived 
and taught and declare it our purpose to do the will of God in all 
things and to make the Christ spirit dominant in our lives and in 
all the relations of men to each other. 


A similar position was expressed as follows: 


Its aim shall not be uniformity of belief, but identity of pur- 
pose. That purpose shall be to make God, the Father, a reality 
among men. It shall seek to fulfill this purpose through the im- 
provement of the spiritual, mental, social, and physical condition 
of all the people in this community. 


Another common purpose sometimes mentioned was the 
advancement of Christianity in the world at large. In the 
words of one covenant: 


We consecrate ourselves and all that we have, as we under- 
stand God would have us use it, for the upbuilding of His King- 
dom world-wide. 


Many united churches left the door wide open for the 
honest doubter. Not only was doctrine often rejected as a 
test of fitness for membership, but the right of private judg- 
ment was upheld by church after church. Some confessions 
provided for future change of opinion, using the time-hon- 
ored expression “made known or to be made known unto 
you.” After the articles of faith of a certain church came 
this qualification: 


The acceptance of any creedal statements of religion is vain 
unless such acceptance manifests itself in rising moral standards, 
wider and more loving human fellowship and closer unity with 
God. 


The attitude of tolerance was expressed in the following 
sentence from a form of reception, coming immediately after 


162 UNITED CHURCHES 


the recitation of the “Confession of Faith” of the church in 
question : 


Without requiring of you a complete understanding of these 
things, we accept you, as sufficiently in accord with such faith 
as to cooperate efficiently with us in work and worship, and we 
do earnestly commend you to search the Scriptures to learn 
whether these things are so. Will you do so? 


None of these attempts at formulating a basis of member- 
ship were considered final and satisfactory: on the contrary, 
the leaders of the churches that used them described them- 
selves as groping and experimenting. Although many such 
leaders minimized the importance of any intellectual expres- 
sion of belief, others, especially among the ministers, con- 
sidered this to be highly important, first, as an aid to clear- 
ness of thought for individuals; secondly, as a weapon in 
times of personal doubt or depression and when suddenly 
consulted or assailed; and finally, as a battle-standard in 
the warfare of the Church. Yet, desirable as many consid- 
ered an adequate statement of the genuine common convic- 
tions of the Christian Church to-day, they had not been able 
to formulate such a creed; and many of them felt that such 
an achievement was impossible at the existing stage of 
scientific and religious thought. 

In spite of the acknowledged inadequacy of the various 
provisions concerning the reception of members, through 
these methods united churches had nevertheless succeeded 
in conveying their vision of the essential unity of Christian- 
ity; for they had drawn into their membership Christians of 
the most diverse affiliations, including, as will hereafter be 
shown, fully fifty denominations. It was not at all an un- 
common thing for a united church to have as many as six 
diverse elements; sometimes there were twenty or even 
twenty-four; and persons received on one occasion repre- 
sented as many as eight different persuasions. 

1 See page 226. 


Chapter X 
SERVICES OF WORSHIP 


The differences discovered between services of worship 
of united churches and those of churches in general re- 
sulted from compromise respecting denominational usages of 
the elements combining, on the one hand; and, on the other, 
from changed conditions such as larger constituency, in- 
creased resources, and better ministerial service. These two 
kinds of factors sometimes operated separately, but were 
usually found in combination. The differences prevailed 
among most united churches of all types; and they appeared 
in each of the usual kinds of services: namely, Sunday 
preaching services, other Sunday services, mid-week meet- 
ings, communion, baptism, services for the reception of 
members, and special services. The present chapter will 
show how the two kinds of special factors tended to 
modify each of these kinds of services. 


SUNDAY PREACHING SERVICES 


Though the forms of worship in use at preaching services 
by those denominations whose churches had entered into 
unions presented many points of agreement, they involved 
contrasting usages in many matters of detail. For example, 
certain denominations made the recital of the creed a regular 
part of their service, while others had no such custom; and 
some employed the word “debts” in the Lord’s Prayer where 
others used the word “‘trespasses.”’ 

The adjustment of such differences was sometimes left 
to the minister, in which case it often altered with a change 
of pastorate. In other instances, each problem was decided 
by. the church as a body or by the governing board. Con- 
trasting practices were sometimes employed in alternation. 


A federation of Methodist and Congregational units, for ex- 
163 


164 UNITED CHURCHES 


ample, which used the two church buildings alternately, fol- 
lowed the Methodist form of service when meeting in the 
Methodist church and the Congregational form whenever 
service was held in the Congregational building. 

A more common method of adjustment was the uniform 
use of one or another of contrasting practices, and this 
course was usually taken whenever one of the alternative 
usages was more acceptable than the other to the majority. 
For example, a union of Baptist, Congregational, and Meth- 
odist churches decided to adopt the word “debts” because 
it was in habitual use by the Baptists and the Congregation- 
alists. Again, after a certain Methodist church had been 
merged in a church of the German Reformed denomina- 
tion, a question arose concerning posture during prayer. 
The people of the Reformed church had been accustomed 
to stand; the Methodists to kneel. As the Reformed people 
would have been very uncomfortable if requested to kneel, 
the practice of standing was made uniform, being adopted 
the more readily because the Methodists had attended the 
Reformed services before the consolidation. 

When concessions were made, they were often reciprocal. 
If the creed was omitted to please one group, the invocation 
was left out to suit another element. The familiarity of 
parts of the audience with different forms of worship was 
utilized by some ministers to vary and enrich the services. 

The amount of ritual acceptable to different churches was 
found to vary greatly. Some united churches used with ap- 
preciation, either occasionally or regularly, such forms as 
the Venite and the Gloria Patri. But other churches, espe- 
cially those having in their congregations a large proportion 
of persons without church-going traditions, preferred a 
service unusually devoid of such traditional forms. The 
minister of a church of this kind said: 

“Some of the people are like the Puritans and the Quakers 
when they reacted from the Catholic Church. Twice I have 
mentioned ritual. There was more objection to that than 
to anything else I’ve said. They don’t want anything like 
the Episcopal service.” 


SERVICES OF WORSHIP 165 


HYMN BOOKS 


Churches arising from the union of previously existing 
organizations usually inherited two or more sets of hymn 
books. At the outset both were sometimes employed. This 
often happened naturally when two or more buildings were 
used in alternation. Under other circumstances, two kinds 
of hymn books were employed at the same service, the num- 
bers corresponding to the hymns in each of the books being 
announced. The inconvenience of this practice and the fact 
that it acted as a reminder of divided origins, often led to 
a selection between the books. When one of the elements 
had a hymn book acceptable to the other, and the copies were 
in good condition, this book was frequently adopted, addi- 
tional copies being acquired if needed. The use of a de- 
nominational hymnal caused so little comment in one united 
church that after several years the denominational labels 
were still affixed. Not infrequently the hymn books of one 
denomination were used at the principal service, and those 
of a different denomination on other occasions. 

The theology of hymns was not found disturbing. A 
united church that included Unitarians was heard singing 
on the same Sunday “Holy, holy, holy,” and “My faith 
looks up to Thee.” The minister of a church similarly con- 
stituted said that the only thing about the hymns his Uni- 
tarians objected to was the term “Holy Ghost,” the word 
ghost having for them only associations other than sacred. 
A special problem arose when one of the elements was 
United Presbyterian, since this denomination sings metrical 
versions of the psalms instead of modern hymns. When a 
certain United Presbyterian church combined with two other 
groups to form a united church, the majority voted at the 
suggestion of a leading Baptist to use the psalm book for 
the morning service, a hymn book being used for other 
occasions. An aged United Presbyterian contributed the 
money for the additional copies of the psalm book required. 
Other united churches adopted interdenominational hymn 
books. 


166 UNITED CHURCHES 


THE CHOIR 


United churches almost invariably had better choirs than 
those of churches of the usual kind in communities similar 
in size and environment. Churches formed through the 
union of previously existing churches generally reported that 
their choirs were better than before union. More musical 
talent was available, more interest was taken, and in many 
cases more time was spent in practice. Another reason for 
the change was that money released from competitive ex- 
penditures was often applied to the purchase of music and to 
the salary of a paid organist or choir leader. As the musical 
education of the audience and the singers advanced, the 
choirs sometimes became larger; and in addition, in a few 
places, junior choirs composed of boys or of young girls 
were trained for occasional service. Some of the choirs wore 
vestments. Many united churches enjoyed superior music; 
and a few offered cantatas or other special features at church 
festivals. Ina small number also voluntary singers had been 
replaced by a paid choir or quartette. Excellent singing and 
organ music helped to render the services of many united 
churches not only enjoyable but full of the spirit of wor- 
ship. 


PART TAKEN BY THE MINISTER 


The larger salary paid by united churches? enabled many 
of them to engage as ministers men of more than ordinary 
ability and training. The sermon, therefore, the prayers, 
and all the details of the service, though showing great varia- 
tion, ranked in general decidedly above the average. More 
will be said as to the minister in the chapter on leadership. 


WORSHIP FOR CHILDREN 


The presence of children of two or more denominational 
groups stimulated an unusual proportion of the ministers of 
united churches to provide services of worship especially 


1 See page 118, 


SERVICES OF WORSHIP 167 


adapted to youthful minds. The methods adopted were 
in line with those used in many strictly denominational 
churches. 


SUNDAY EVENING SERVICES 


Many united churches held evening meetings of the tra- 
ditional kind, that is, exercises duplicating the morning 
service, only shorter, and possibly with music of a more 
popular character. Other churches, however, had found 
that in their environment evening meetings of this sort at- 
tracted only a small audience. Many had discontinued the 
evening service altogether or had surrendered the hour 
to the young people. Others used novel forms of service 
acceptable to their constituencies. A favorite form consisted 
of a vesper service, including considerable music which, in 
many cases, was more ritualistic than the service of the 
morning. Another experiment was a service of song, some- 
times intended for the whole community. The care of the 
evening service for three months was entrusted by one united 
church to its young people, who not only manned a choir 
and an orchestra, but attended to the ushering, planned the 
program with some advice from their elders, and furnished 
the leaders. 

Another united church held on Sunday evenings a series 
of lectures on religious subjects in the theater. Still an- 
other drew an average audience of about forty to a series of 
talks on creed. The differences of opinion among the mem- 
bers being strong enough to kindle interest, but not too 
violent to be safely expressed, these talks proved so popular 
that shorthand notes were taken of them, and copies were 
distributed to invalids. Several churches conducted forums 
in which, through open discussion, the people were led to 
apply to social problems the principles of Christianity. The 
forum of a certain united church, although no attempt was 
made to popularize it, had an attendance of from forty to 
fifty persons, all really interested, and most of them taking 
part in the discussions. Another forum elicited frank, lively, 
and acute debate. 


168 UNITED CHURCHES 


Another united church organized a Sunday Night Club, 
which provided a varied program for the whole community, 
including lectures, forums, sacred concerts, and other special 
features. 

A church in a college town presented every other Sunday 
night in a large moving picture theater a carefully chosen 
film of a moral or religious character. Before, between, and 
after the reels the audience of some 600, including many stu- 
dents and also a considerable number of people from the 
country, sang hymns with great enthusiasm. 


THe Mip-wEEK MEETING 


Many united-church leaders expressed dissatisfaction with 
the traditional mid-week prayer meeting. One schedule re- 
ported that the prayer meeting of that church was “very 
poor.’ The average attendance at the mid-week meeting 
as reported by 150 united churches was sixteen. Over half 
of 313 united churches reporting services through schedules 
had no mid-week service, and a few others held prayer meet- 
ings either only once a month, or just before communion, or 
during certain weeks of each year, or on rare occasions. A 
few were experimenting in various new forms of mid-week 
activities. Several held small meetings in private homes, 
three being conducted upon the same evening in the different 
neighborhoods of a certain wide parish. Another church 
had a cottage service every Friday morning. 

An expedient that often proved more popular if the leader 
was competent, consisted of courses of study, usually re- 
lated to some book or aspect of the Bible. Another plan was 
to reserve a fixed night in the week for the meetings of such 
groups of church workers as the governing board, the choir, 
and the Sunday-school teachers; the same evening being also 
utilized on occasion for church socials, suppers and other 
parish events. For not a few united churches, “Church 
night” included a succession of activities or meetings; and 
for certain others, several meetings of specialized groups 
were in session at a single hour. The women of one church 
provided a supper at which now one department, and now 


SERVICES OF WORSHIP 169 


another, combined social intercourse with church business. 
The rest of the program consisted of a general devotional 
hour followed by the sessions of various study groups, and 
by meetings of the Boy Scouts and of the Girl Scouts. The 
four periods into which were divided the two-hour session 
of another church were assigned respectively to devotions, 
to the consideration of some problem, to Bible study, and to 
a lesson from a consecutive course of serious study. At that 
place the interest in theological discussion was so great that 
after the two hours were over certain individuals often re- 
mained for another hour and a half. 


THE COMMUNION SERVICE 


The first communion service after union was not infre- 
quently an occasion somewhat dreaded. Where immersion- 
ists were among the elements, other groups had sometimes 
feared lest they might insist on immersion and close com- 
munion. But these fears proved unfounded. Baptists, 
to use words employed in reporting a typical instance, 
“voted for open communion without a flurry.” If a few 
aged denominationalists absented themselves for a time, they 
usually became reconciled to the new order before very long. 

Adjustments to conflicting usages were parallel to those 
relating to the preaching service. The minister was often 
allowed to use his own discretion; and he either employed 
the form familiar to himself, alternated the rituals of the 
denominations represented, or utilized an even wider range 
of forms. The usages of the denominations represented 
were frequently combined, for instance, where the provision 
was made that Methodists should go forward to the altar 
while Congregationalists were served by deacons in their 
seats. At one church making this provision it turned out that 
a few Congregationalists went forward with aged Methodist 
relatives, and a few Methodists preferred to remain in their 
pews. Several churches composed partly of Methodists 
partook of the elements in their pews, but employed the 
Methodist form of communion service. 

The frequency of the communion service varied greatly. 


170 UNITED CHURCHES 


The constitutions of united churches provided that the 
service should be celebrated bi-monthly, quarterly, or, in 
rare cases, monthly. A certain united church with a Dis- 
ciples element celebrated communion every Sunday morning 
after the first hymn. The Disciples, to whom weekly com- 
munion was a matter of conscience, had made this a con- 
dition of uniting with the other churches; and the other 
group had yielded for the sake of achieving union. A 
woman of one of the other denominations made this com- 
ment: “TI think it (the communion service) is more solemn 
if you do not have it so often. But there is no harm in it.” 

A few united churches, on the other hand, lay little or no 
emphasis on the communion service. This attitude is illus- 
trated by the following extract from the revised constitu- 
tion of a certain undenominational church: 


The question of the Lord’s Supper ...as well as that of 
Baptism shall be left to the conscience of the individual member, 
for the reason that any religious rites or observances performed 
under compulsion or custom and without understanding is un- 
profitable to the believer and displeasing to Him Who demands 
honesty and sincerity in all our acts of worship and service. 


A strong Modernist element of another church objected 
to having communion during the regular hours of worship; 
and there the rite was rarely held. The constitution of an- 
other church made no provision for communion, so that a 
new non-resident minister, while trying to conduct the 
service, encountered serious obstacles. 

The invitation to the table was of the most general char- 
acter. The words used sometimes were, “‘All who love our 
Lord Jesus Christ.” It was sometimes even expressly stated 
that those not church-members were not excluded. One 
minister said, “We neither invite nor reject. It is the 
Lord’s table.” 


BAPTISM 


When a united church combined denominational groups 
having conflicting practices as to baptism, a modus vivendi 


SERVICES OF WORSHIP 1a 


was almost invariably made part of the preliminary agree- 
ment. It was usually provided either that the denomina- 
tional usage of the various groups uniting should be observed 
by those preferring the denomination, or that the matter 
should be left to the choice of each individual. Sometimes 
it was even made optional whether or not the candidate 
received baptism in any form. 

Combinations of immersionist elements and elements bap- 
_tizing by sprinkling often speedily resulted not merely in the 
tolerant acceptance by both sides of the unfamiliar form of 
the rite, but even in a sympathetic appreciation of it. Babies 
and young children were sprinkled without comment in 
certain Baptist church buildings. When a group including 
both Congregationalists and Baptists was received into a cer- 
tain federated church at a time of year when immersion was 
impracticable, the Baptists accepted a temporary baptism by 
sprinkling; and it seemed doubtful whether they would all 
desire that this be confirmed later by immersion. On the 
other hand, some persons that had already been sprinkled in 
non-immersion denominations asked for immersion when 
bringing letters to united churches practicing both forms of 
baptism. In connection with the outdoor baptismal service 
of a certain united church, persons whose traditional form 
of baptism had been sprinkling took a more active part in 
the preparations than did the Baptists and the Disciples. 

A Baptist minister of a federated church, being officially 
debarred from baptizing infants, found the parents of one 
baby ready to accept instead a service of dedication, the 
mother remarking that she “did not care about the water.” 


SERVICES OF RECEPTION 


Except in the case of federated churches very loosely 
integrated, most united churches of all types were found to 
be alike in receiving members of all denominational origins 
at a service of the united church as a whole. The form of 
words used was usually the same, except that it was fre- 
quently—though not always—so modified as to conform to 
the requirements of the denominations concerned. When 


172 UNITED CHURCHES 


Baptist, Methodist and Presbyterian units were federated, 
the three usages had to be reconciled; for members are re- 
ceived into the Presbyterian church by the session, into the 
Baptist church by the church-members, and into the Metho- 
dist church by the minister. In a federated church com- 
posed of these three elements, the pastor, after baptizing 
those who had not already received the rite, asked the church 
council to stand and receive all the new members to the com- 
munity church. Then he asked each applicant which of the 
three denominational churches he desired to join. After all 
had replied, turning to the Presbyterian session, seated near 
the council, he inquired, “Do you receive these members into 
the Presbyterian Church?” In reference to the Baptist group 
he asked, “Do you members of the Baptist Church receive 
these persons?” Addressing the Methodist applicants di- 
rectly, he declared: “I, as the supply for the Methodist 
Church, receive you into that church.” 

Some of the forms of reception services were well adapted 
to inspire in those received, and in the united church as 
a whole, those attitudes of consecration and of brotherhood 
which, if appropriate to all Christian churches, were held 
especially important where diverse elements had united in 
such a great adventure as a united church was still felt to be. 


SPECIAL SERVICES 


The function accepted by many united churches of serving 
the religious needs of their whole communities sometimes 
involved providing services for groups that by reason of 
language or of peculiar beliefs and rites could not be ade- 
quately ministered to through the general services. 


FOR RACIAL GROUPS 


An undenominational church in a community where there 
were many foreign factory operatives, provided for Hun- 
garians a monthly service conducted in the Hungarian lan- 
guage by a Hungarian minister paid by the ‘“‘union church.” 
Some of these Hungarians, even including individuals that 


SERVICES OF WORSHIP 173 


could not understand English, also attended other services 
of this church; and fifteen persons of this nationality had 
become members. As a result of a similar friendly policy 
over a period of years, the resident membership of this 
church included over seventy of foreign birth, belonging to 
at least eight races, among them being eleven Finns, nineteen 
Swedes and more than twenty Italians. 


FOR EPISCOPALIANS 


For the benefit of Episcopalians in their congregations, a 
number of united churches had made arrangements for reg- 
ular monthly communion services celebrated by Episcopal 
clergymen. One Congregational minister with many Episco- 
pal parishioners was confirmed in the Episcopal Church so 
that he might more acceptably serve his Episcopal con- 
stituents as a lay reader. 


EVANGELISTIC SERVICES 


Some ministers adapted their methods of evangelism to 
the unlike preferences of diverse elements in their churches. 
The Presbyterian minister of a partly Methodist church, for 
example, gave his Methodists opportunities for public re- 
pentance and reconsecration ; and the Methodist minister of a 
partly Presbyterian church provided for the Presbyterians 
small inquiry meetings at the close of the general evangelistic 
services. 


MISCELLANEOUS SERVICES 


United churches alone in their communities naturally as- 
sumed responsibility for such special services as those on 
Thanksgiving and Memorial Day. Even when not the sole 
churches in their respective communities, they received an 
unusual number of invitations to conduct the annual church 
services of lodges and various other organizations, such as 
the Masons, the Odd Fellows and the D.A.R. Many 
churches, moreover, held evening exercises adapted to inter- 


174 UNITED CHURCHES 


est certain elements, such as high-school students, members 
of the Y.M.C.A. and of the Y.W.C.A. 


SUMMARY 


The facts about the services of united churches presented 
in this chapter show that inconsistent usages did not prevent 
people of many denominations from holding worship in 
common. ‘They also make it evident that the challenge of 
new opportunities, and the larger resources available—both 
in money, in talent, and in ritual—made possible to the 
people of united churches a wider range of experiences of 
worship than they had known before union. 


Chapter XI 
FINANCES AND PROPERTY 


FINANCES 


The average annual local expenditures of united churches, 
as has been said in a previous chapter, stood well above the 
corresponding averages for strictly denominational churches. 
This fact is not explained by the somewhat higher member- 
ship of united churches; for it has also been shown that the 
average local expenditure per member of united churches 
was also comparatively large, being for the denominational 
type of union, indeed, double any of the standard averages 
found in the investigations of the Institute of Social and 
Religious Research. 

Furthermore, united churches expended in local church 
maintenance in 1923-24 a larger sum than the pairs or groups 
of denominational churches that united to form them had 
spent during the year before union. The gain in dollars for 
sixty-one federated churches was 8.5 per cent.; and the gain 
in per capita expenditures for the same churches was 8.1 
per cent. 

Local leaders who had been active in raising funds for 
their churches reported in place after place that they found 
their work far easier after union. In one community where 
before union two churches had raised locally $1,000 to be 
divided between a superannuated minister and a part-time 
minister, both of whose salaries were supplemented by 
home-mission aid, it was found surprisingly easy after 
union to pay one full-time man $2,000 with no aid from 
home-mission boards, although times were much harder. A 
consolidated church that before union had received home- 
mission aid, continued to receive the same amount during 


its first year as a combined body. The second year the aid 
175 


176 UNITED CHURCHES 


was only half as much; and the third year, though money 
was offered and even sent, it was returned to the board. 

For this greater facility in meeting the local budget there 
were several reasons. In the first place, a united church was 
a challenging enterprise. People felt that they were starting 
a new thing, and that they were among the pioneers in what 
they believed would prove a great movement. They had 
large plans, moreover, for service of many kinds to the local 
community. 

Secondly, people were more ready to support the united 
church because, in almost every case, it provided a service 
which they considered superior. It had a better-paid minis- 
ter, a more elaborate musical program, a larger Sunday . 
school, and more varied social activities. Since people re- 
ceived more from the church, they were willing to pay more 
liberally toward its support. 

Again, united churches appealed much more strongly than 
had strictly denominational churches to persons outside the 
membership. Men that had refused their contributions to a 
strictly Methodist or Baptist church were ready to help a 
church undertaking religious ministry to the whole com- 
munity. For thirty-six united churches surveyed, repre- 
senting all types of union, the amounts received through sub- 
scription were divided according to whether they were con- 
tributed by members of the local church or by non-members. 
One-fourth of the subscribers proved to be non-members; 
and this class contributed one-seventh of the total amount 
subscribed. Among the types of union, the denominational 
united churches had among their supporters the largest pro- 
portion, 32.0 per cent., of non-members; and the proportion 
of the total subscriptions that was given by non-members 
was also highest for this type, being 22.6 per cent. A cer- 
tain denominational united church received more than half 
of its total subscriptions from non-member contributors. 
One reason for this difference was that some persons were 
less easily persuaded to become members of a united church 
of the denominational type. But several of the denomina- 
tional united churches surveyed had gradually drawn into 
membership contributors of this kind, thereby experiencing 


FINANCES AND PROPERTY 177 


a decline, not in total receipts, but in the proportion of their 
funds received from non-members. 

Not only did non-members contribute with unusual lib- 
erality to united churches, but business men were found to 
be more ready to undertake their financial tasks. Such 
friends not infrequently became members of the finance com- 
mittee or rendered special assistance at the time of the 
annual canvass. The manager of a large mill, for example, 
put at the service of the finance committee the list of opera- 
tives of the mill and the sérvices of an employee. 

A fourth reason for the greater ease in raising money 
experienced by united churches lay in the fact that most of 
them conducted their business affairs according to approved 
modern methods, including the budget, the canvass, and the 
envelope system. Among seventy-one united churches sur- 
veyed, the financial methods of which were investigated, all 
three of these methods were employed by thirty-nine 
churches, or well over half. The proportion of churches us- 
ing these methods in the Twenty-five Counties was some- 
what under one-third* Two of these methods were em- 
ployed by fifty-seven churches, or over three-fourths of the 
whole number; and at least one of the methods was used by 
nine-tenths of the churches. Since these methods were 
applied by united churches in the same way as by denomina- 
tional churches, no description of them is required here. 

Initial gain in financial matters was sometimes followed 
by a slump, and a few churches had not raised their standard 
at any time. This was usually ascribed to lack of vision. 
It occasionally resulted from a failure on the part of the 
church to live up to the program originally proposed or to 
embody the ideal expected by the community from the 
“community church.” The responsibility for decline was 
sometimes laid on unfortunate leadership, the financial com- 
mittee being charged with failing in efficiency or in energy, 
or the minister with not being capable of handling the sit- 
uation. In other places, the rank and file, either from the 
notion that combination of forces should result in the re- 


1 Morse and Brunner, The Town and Country Church in the United 
States (New York; Doran, 1923), p. 141. 


178 UNITED CHURCHES 


duction of expenditure, or because responsibility for the 
budget was now distributed among a greater number of in- 
dividuals, had cut down their contributions. Of more than 
one united church it was reported that many of its sub- 
scribers were giving only half as much as they had con- 
tributed before union. One minister explained in a letter: 


The discouraging feature is resident in the fallacy that churches 
can combine and have a budget one-third as large as three small 
ones. They complain of the expenses and sigh for the “good 
old days” when $5.00 to $10.00 a year paid all the debts of 
Christianity. 

Many united churches, on the contrary, as a successful 
program of religious and social service won to their support 
more and more elements in the larger community, experi- 
enced increasing ease in raising the necessary funds. The 
treasurer of one such church reported that the canvass of 
the current year had resulted in the subscription of an 
amount $1,000 greater than had ever been promised before. 


PROBLEMS OF FEDERATED CHURCHES 


The funds required for their joint activities by the earliest 
federated churches were raised by the units separately. 
Sometimes the units contributed equal amounts ; where mem- 
bership or financial strength were seriously unequal, re- 
sponsibility was often divided in proportion to numbers or 
according to ability to pay. This method was perpetuated in 
some places in the Northern Colonial area, where it origi- 
nated, especially in states where cooperative denominational 
leadership did not introduce a different system. The dual 
or multiple financial arrangement implied separate treasurers 
for the units, separate bookkeeping, and frequently separate 
envelopes, which were sorted out by the treasurers after each 
service at which an offering had been taken; and there was 
also an understanding as to the division of loose collections. 
This plan was commended by a certain denominational su- 
perintendent for use by churches showing a spirit of what he 
called “pull-hauling,” that is, where each unit tried to leave 
the greater share of the financial burden on the shoulders 
of the other. 


FINANCES AND PROPERTY 179 


In general, however, although some federated churches 
began partnership with this arrangement, they frequently 
changed it for a joint canvass, a single financial committee, 
one set of collectors, and one treasurer. Moreover, among 
many federated churches, both in states where interdenomi- 
national leadership suggested the plan and in many scat- 
tered localities elsewhere, the finances were handled from 
the beginning by the united church as a whole. 

Of forty-two federated churches for which information 
was obtained on this point, the finances of only seven were 
conducted separately by the units; they were handled by 
the federated church as a whole in the other thirty-five in- 
stances. Moreover, of fourteen united churches regarding 
which information on this point is available for two different 
periods, at the first period there were five churches the 
finances of which were handled by the units; at the second 
period the finances were handled by the church as a whole 
in every case without exception. 


PROPERTY 


The financial methods of united churches having been 
described, attention will now be given to their peculiar 
problems connected with property. 


DIFFICULTIES 


Considerations regarding property occasioned serious 
problems either before union or afterwards for a large ma- 
jority of united churches formed by the union of existing 
churches, a satisfactory solution frequently not having been 
reached for years. The chief difficulties encountered were 
of three kinds : overhead denominational ownership, the dead 
hand, and divided associations. 


Overhead Ownership 


According to the usage of some denominations, the title 
to the property of local churches was frequently held not by 
local trustees, but by denominational conferences, presby- 


180 UNITED CHURCHES 


teries and the like, or if held locally, the discipline required 
that property no longer to be used by a strictly denomina- 
tional church should be surrendered to such regional bodies. 
These agencies, because they considered that the funds in- 
vested in the real estate of local churches were contributed 
for religious work by the denomination, not for religious 
work in the community, felt it their duty in many cases to 
insist that such property should be owned, and sometimes 
that it should be used, only by churches of their own denomi- 
nations. Therefore, churches combining under any of the 
types of union, and more especially where the type desired 
was undenominational, experienced difficulties in obtaining 
title to property as a united church. Overhead authorities in 
at least one instance went so far as to take out an injunction 
against united church leaders. 


The Dead Hand 


In the second place, property, whether real estate or 
invested funds, that had been left to a church as a legacy, 
was frequently tied up by conditions. For example, land 
had been given for the site of a church with the condition 
that the property should be used only for the worship of a 
specified denomination; or, again, property was left, the 
income of which was available only for preaching by minis- 
ters of a specified denomination. The beneficiaries of prop- 
erty thus grasped by the “dead hand” were naturally loath 
to sacrifice their claim to it. Sometimes such hesitation was 
traceable to motives other than financial. A certain building 
which was to revert to the heirs, if it was not used by a 
specified denomination, would be used as a dance hall of a 
questionable nature if it did so revert. Another church 
edifice had been erected through contributions from fifteen 
different donors; and the deed specified that if the property 
should ever be used for any other purposes than worship of 
the denomination intended, the amounts contributed by each 
should be returned to them or to their heirs. This arrange- 
ment had been made a generation previously ; it was certain 
there were heirs, though none actually resided in the com- 


FINANCES AND PROPERTY 181 


munity; and to find them all and satisfy their claims was 
regarded as an onerous task. 


Divided Associations 


A still more serious difficulty lay in the warm attachment 
of many persons to separate church properties. A very 
general feeling was expressed by one man in these words: 
“To give up my church building would be as deep a sorrow 
to me as to bury my father or my mother.” The idea of 
selling a church building for secular uses or even of devoting 
such a building under the supervision of the church to pur- 
poses of recreation, was to many persons very unwelcome. 


Results 


Because of these three obstacles, considerations con- 
nected with property deferred many unions and frustrated 
many projected unions. For a considerable number of 
united churches once organized, too, divided property inter- 
ests seriously interfered with internal harmony. Moreover, 
for thirty-two federations ending in separation for which 
local informants filled out mail schedules, difficulties con- 
nected with property so serious as to be named among fac- 
tors terminating the partnership were reported in six cases. 


METHODS UNDER DIVIDED OWNERSHIP 


Many united churches owned two or more church build- 
ings, each of them often consisting of only one room, which 
formed neither singly nor in combination a plant in any way 
adequate to house a modern program for the larger church. 
Many churches were also hampered by the lack of funds re- 
quired for any thoroughgoing adaptation of the properties. 

Three units of a certain federated church, for example, 
owned separately three church buildings scattered in an open- 
country community. The building nearest the center of 
population, which belonged to the Christian Church, was a 
one-room edifice without pipe organ, electricity or adequate 


182 UNITED CHURCHES 


heating plant. It stood on a small plot of land in danger of 
being still further reduced by the cutting off from it of an 
asserted right of way. This church would forfeit the income 
of a legacy unless services were held in the building for a 
certain proportion of the Sundays in every year. The Bap- 
tist building, rather less centrally placed, had all the de- 
ficiencies of the Christian edifice except that it possessed the 
best heating arrangements of any one of the three buildings. 
The Congregational building was inconveniently located and 
its furnace, which burned only wood, was incapable of mak- 
ing the church comfortable through the depth of winter; 
but it had a vestry, a pipe organ and electric lights. Services 
were held in each of three buildings during four months of 
the year. When the time came to change, some one called 
up some one else on the telephone, and an announcement 
was inserted in the local paper. Leaders felt not only that 
the arrangement was inconvenient, but that divided property 
interests tended to perpetuate a spirit of separation. Yet no 
solution of the really serious problem had been reached. 

Another federated church had two buildings. That be- 
longing to the Universalist element was churchlike in archi- 
tecture, was equipped with an excellent pipe organ, and 
contained a large basement used chiefly for church suppers 
but capable of being readily adapted for Sunday-school pur- 
poses. The Congregational building, though not so well 
adapted to worship, would have made an excellent commun- 
ity house, since on the main floor it had two parlors opening 
from the auditorium, and in the basement it had, like the 
other church, a kitchen and a dining-room. Yet the Con- 
gregationalists were unwilling that their building should be 
used for social purposes. Here also the buildings continued 
to be used alternately. 


Alternate Use of Buildings 


Alternate use of church buildings proved to be common, 
especially among federated churches. Of the forty-one 
churches of this type for which information on this point 


FINANCES AND PROPERTY 183 


was available, nineteen used their buildings alternately. Al- 
ternation was sometimes adjusted to the seasons of the 
year. If one building was more easily heated than another, 
it was naturally chosen for use in winter. Where the alter- 
nation was among three buildings, the length of time for 
worshiping in each was frequently about four months. 
Other churches changed from one building to another 
monthly, others bi-monthly, still others each week. Several 
churches used two buildings, each for certain services on 
the same day. Every summer, for example, a certain fed- 
erated church worshiped on one Sunday in the Presbyterian 
building in the morning and in the Reformed building in the 
afternoon, reversing the order the following week; and held 
prayer meetings in the two churches alternately. 

The alternate use of buildings was found very incon- 
venient. One church alternating Sunday by Sunday found 
it impossible to move the hymn books each week; the be- 
ginners did without low tables on every alternate Sunday, 
and fuel had to be stored in both buildings. The pastor of 
another church with a similar arrangement was in the habit 
of transferring each week from one building to the other 
the Sunday-school register and the board announcing at- 
tendance. 


One Building Used to Supplement Another 


Where two buildings were near enough together, both 
were frequently used for Sunday-school purposes. The 
smaller of two buildings was adapted by one church for the 
beginners and the primary department of the Sunday school 
by installing screens, tables, small chairs. and other suitable 
equipment. 


Choice of Building for Worship 


It was frequently possible for different elements to agree 
to use for worship some one of two or more available build- 
ings. The choice was frequently determined either by con- 


184 UNITED CHURCHES 


venience of location or by the superiority of one of the 
buildings. Some denominational units showed a consider- 
able degree of the spirit of self-sacrifice in surrendering the 
privilege of worshiping in their accustomed places. 

An undenominational church, for example, had available 
three buildings belonging to dormant United Presbyterian, 
Christian, and Baptist organizations. The Christian edifice 
was too small for the combined congregation. The United 
Presbyterians took the lead in declaring that as the Baptist 
church was more centrally located it should be adopted as 
the sole house of worship. When a building was chosen for 
exclusive use, there were frequently transferred to it from 
other houses of worship such desirable equipment as kinder- 
garten chairs and tables, or a pipe organ. 


Specialized Uses of Extra Buildings 


In some communities having united churches extra build- 
ings were allowed to stand empty and unused. The un- 
denominational church mentioned in the preceding para- 
graph, however, was an exception. The United Presbyterians 
sold their buildings and the Christian unit gave theirs to 
the Federated Ladies’ Aid for Aid meetings, for the 
councils of the church board, and for the sessions of the 
men’s class. Many other churches after the lapse of time 
came to adopt the policy of applying extra buildings to some 
specialized use. Most of them were adapted for use as 
community houses. Others were used as libraries, and still 
others were let or lent to schools for use as gymnasiums or 
classrooms. Ownership of a few such buildings was trans- 
ferred to the towns. 

The presence of unused buildings seemed to many leaders 
of united churches to constitute a serious danger. The 
failure to make some disposal of such a building was con- 
sidered equivalent to saying, “If you don’t want to play 
with us, we'll go home.” A church that boarded up its 
windows and refused for five years to have any use made 
of its building although the Legion offered to buy it, was 
believed to be leaving the way open for a future resumption 


FINANCES AND PROPERTY 185 


of activities. In this instance, and in many similar situations, 
responsibility for preserving buildings unused was ascribed 
to denominational superintendents. While the condition 
lasted the permanence of the union was not felt to be 
assured. 


Repairs and Improvements 


Where two or more units owned separate properties, the 
repairs and improvements were handled in several different 
ways. By one system the responsibility for them was carried 
by the separate denominational units, which in that case 
naturally paid the bills. By a second plan, the units cared 
for any buildings not actually used by the united church, 
but buildings employed for common activities were kept in 
repair on the initiative and at the expense of the church as a 
whole. According to a third arrangement, all properties 
were considered as under the care of the united organiza- 
tion, expenses being met by the church as a whole. Under 
this last arrangement, it was frequently provided that no 
structural alterations should be made in any building with- 
out the formal consent of the unit holding the title to the 
property. 

Property thus held by a denominational unit was some- 
times repaired or improved at considerable expense by the 
united church as a whole; and in some places contributions 
from all elements were thus invested, seemingly without 
grudging and with no foreboding of future complications. 
Upon a certain Baptist building, the deed of which was held 
by respected local Baptist trustees in favor of the union 
movement, there was expended $1,800 to $2,000, contributed 
by individuals belonging to all elements of the church and 
community. 


ACQUIRING A UNIFIED PLANT 


Many united churches had attained such a degree of self- 
consciousness as a single whole that they used the various 
properties, to whatever denominational element these had 


186 UNITED CHURCHES 


originally belonged or still belonged, as parts of one combined 
church plant. This practical end was accomplished through 
several different methods. 


Lease 


Several united churches leased the properties from the 
local denominational churches technically holding the title to 
them. One church took a formal lease of the three denomi- 
national properties for five years, with the privilege of re- 
newal, at the rent of one dollar. Another, an undenomina- 
tional church, leased the church building and the parsonage 
of one of the vestigial organizations for the term of ten 
years, which might be extended if desired, at a rent of “one 
dollar and other valuable considerations.” An undenomi- 
national church used the property of its two elements with- 
out formal agreement. A real estate man among the church 
leaders tried for the first five years to put the matter on a 
legal basis through lease; but nothing was done, although the 
community church paid all the indebtedness incurred pre- 
vious to union upon one building and part of that incurred 
upon another, and also put $1,000 into improvements upon 
one of the buildings. 


Ownership 


Formal ownership of all properties by the united church 
was frequently held highly desirable for several reasons. 
Property owned in common did not involve conflicting senti- 
mental associations. The various buildings could be repaired 
without jealousy; and improvements and structural altera- 
tions even on a large scale were made possible. Moreover, 
through the unification of property interests a serious danger 
to the permanency of the union was removed. 


Incorporation 


To qualify for holding property, a number of united 
churches in states where the incorporation of religious 


FINANCES AND PROPERTY 187 


organizations is not required became legally incorporated. 
Not all churches taking this step had fully succeeded at the 
time of the survey in acquiring title to the property of all 
their units. When incorporating, several such churches re- 
organized under a revised constitution. Sometimes it was 
not the church that incorporated but a civil organization con- 
nected with it, called a society or an incorporation. 


Ouitclaim Deed 


A certain undenominational church incorporated partly 
to be able to hold title to a large and beautiful church build- 
ing that one of the elements of the church had offered to 
transfer to the community church. This transaction was 
recorded in the church minutes as follows: 


The following proposition was presented by the... Society. 
... Said Society would give quitclaim deed to... church 
property ... to the Community Church on condition that said 
Community Church assume the debt against the ... Church, 
keep the property in good repair and reasonably well insured. 
If the Community Church fails to use said property for religious 
purposes for a period of three years, the same shall revert to 
the .. . Church Society. ... 


This proposition was well discussed and then accepted by a 
unanimous vote of Directors, with full appreciation of all for 
the generous spirit of . . . Church Society. 


Obtaining Title from Overhead Agencies 


Unification of property was sometimes achieved with the 
help of denominational overhead authorities. In case of 
unions of the denominational type, the transfer of property 
was frequently adjusted, with the aid of denominational 
superintendents, at the time the consolidation was effected. 
These officials tried in such cases to balance the surrender 
of property in one community by the acquisition in another 
of property held by the other denomination concerned. 
Sometimes, even without an exchange, denominational au- 
thorities either surrendered the title to property completely 
to a church, or, more commonly, permitted the use of it so 
long as it should be employed for religious purposes. 


188 UNITED CHURCHES 


Such concessions were more readily granted to churches 
connected with denominations, being frequently denied to 
churches not so connected. Yet a few undenominational 
churches were granted the use of a building, and even the 
title to one. 

The officials of any denomination that had paid home- 
mission money toward the erection of a church frequently 
felt a sense of obligation either to retain the building for the 
denomination or to obtain an equivalent amount to expend 
in denominational work elsewhere. Yet this was not always 
exacted. A certain undenominational church was given a 
Congregational building subject to a mortgage of $500, the 
amount that had been granted toward its erection by the 
Congregational Church Building Society. The mortgage 
was not to be paid off unless at some future time the build- 
ing should cease to be used for religious purposes. A similar 
arrangement was not uncommon. 

The overhead officials of certain denominations were 
found more insistent than those of others upon receiving the 
full value of property to which they held title. This was 
particularly true of the officials of Methodist Episcopal 
conferences. Several united churches were asked to pay for 
Methodist buildings that had been erected entirely at local 
expense. One undenominational church rebelled so strongly 
against such a demand, that, calling attention to several hun- 
dred dollars’ worth of improvements made since union, it 
threatened that, if Conference insisted in denying them the 
use of the Methodist building they would hold their services 
in the one belonging to their Baptist Church, which was then 
rented to an organization of Adventists. The district super- 
intendent dropped the matter for the time; and somewhat 
later, at the instigation of the home-missions council of the 
state, the united church became affiliated with the Methodist 
Conference. 

More than one Methodist conference, however, sur- 
rendered the title to a church building on receipt of the 
amount of home-mission money invested in it, as in the 
following instance. A small Presbyterian and a small Meth- 


FINANCES AND PROPERTY 189 


odist church consolidated as a Congregational church. The 
Presbytery turned over the Presbyterian property uncon- 
ditionally. The Methodist Conference, under official re- 
strictions, felt unable to do the same; but, of the $3,500 that 
the building was supposed to be worth, when the church 
turned over $2,000, the amount of the investment of the 
building society, to the trustees of the Conference, the Con- 
ference contributed the remaining $1,500. 

Some united churches that had been refused title to de- 
nominational buildings paid the denominational authorities 
for them. Others forfeited them, and they were sold by the 
conference or other overhead body either to another church, 
to some secular agency such as the Grange, or to a business 
man for use as a garage, a hall, a mill or a store. 


Combination of Buildings 


A consolidated church moved one of its church buildings 
to the back of the other and altered the combined edifice so 
as to render it a very efficient plant. Another, formed 
through the absorption by an active church of two dying 
churches, after one building had been destroyed by fire, 
moved to the empty site both the others and built a tower 
between them. Similar measures were adopted by other 
united churches. For combination was claimed the ad- 
vantage of being comparatively cheap. Sometimes, how- 
ever, the complex structure was considered unsatisfactory 
in its architecture. 


New Buildings 


Typical united churches in widely separated parts of 
the country, although each had at its disposal three small 
buildings belonging to the units, agreed in thinking that the 
really desirable course would be to buy these buildings, so 
far as this was necessary, from the overhead bodies, and 
having sold them or torn them down, to erect for the use 
of the united church an entirely new structure, to which 
would be attached no divided associations and no separate 


190 UNITED CHURCHES 


denominational liens. This course was not practicable in 
either case, for financial reasons. Other united churches, 
however, had succeeded in erecting new buildings, and more 
were planning to do so. 

Funds for use in the erection of a new building were some- 
times derived in part from the sale of an inferior structure 
belonging to one of the elements. A number of churches 
turned one or more church buildings into cash. A church 
with three buildings sold one, and exchanged another for 
lots adjoining the third, which it remodeled. Extra par- 
sonages, since they had no sentimental associations, were 
frequently disposed of in this way. Some churches could 
apply to building operations an unrestricted income fund. 
A church that had just changed from the federated to the 
denominational type of union, obtained $1,900 or $2,000 of 
its building fund from the sale of an extra parsonage, $1,500 
from an unrestricted legacy, and the rest from subscriptions. 
This third source of money is the one drawn upon most 
generally. 


Building Campaigns 


In their building campaigns, united churches, especially 
those not in competitive situations, stressed their peculiar 
claim upon the community in general or at least upon the 
whole Protestant community. Appeals were sometimes 
made through local papers, sometimes by the use of circular 
letters sent to church-members and to the public likely to 
be interested in a community religious enterprise. 


Safeguarding Separate Interests 


United churches making combined expenditures on prop- 
erty did not always burn their boats. Many, especially 
among federated churches, took legal measures to safeguard 
the financial interests of the respective units against possible 
separation in the future. A device not infrequently em- 
ployed was a mortgage. When, for example, a certain 
united church sold the Methodist parsonage and put the 


FINANCES AND PROPERTY 191 


proceeds into repairs on the Congregational parsonage, the 
Congregationalists gave the Methodists a first mortgage to 
the amount of the sum used, without interest, the money 
to be paid only if the house should ever be used otherwise 
than as a parsonage. 

Another church, in anticipation of making extended struc- 
tural improvements on a church building for common use, 
entered into a formal contract providing that in case of 
separation, if sufficient property remained, a sum equal to 
the contribution of each denomination should be turned over 
to the respective denominational state headquarters; and if 
the value of the property should be insufficient, it should be 
divided proportionately. 

Another formal agreement under consideration at the 
time of the survey provided that in case of separation not 
only should the contributions of local Baptists and Presby- 
terians be made good to the respective overhead agencies, 
but that a sum equivalent to the contributions from the com- 
munity at large should be remitted to these denominational 
agencies, being divided in proportion to the local strength of 
the denominational churches, three-fifths going to the Pres- 
byterian Synod and two-fifths to the Baptist State Con- 
vention. 

Instead of providing for the repayment of the entire 
amount contributed, another united church contracted to 
repay half. The amendment recording their action, which 
contained a provision regarding deterioration, was in part 
as follows: 


One-half of the paid equity shall be debted to the body in 
whose favor the balance stands, and shall be considered a debt 
of honor and paid accordingly to the proper representative of 
the other properties not receiving as much paid for permanent 
improvements (the other half stands for Community interest 
and deterioration). Each equity shall be divided in ten equal 
parts from the time it starts to run and will decrease a tenth 
each year. 


A third church inserted in its revised constitution the fol- 
lowing provision: 


192 UNITED CHURCHES 


If ever a dissolution of Federation should improbably occur, 
all movable property shall become the property of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church as a recognition of the use of their building 
during Federation (Federation-owned property that is). 


A further provision under consideration by this last church 
was to the effect that after twenty years of common use of 
the Methodist property, which was being considerably en- 
larged through the use of funds contributed partly by Pres- 
byterians, Baptists and non-church-members, the donors 
should be considered as having received through the service 
of the church to the community the full value of the sums 
contributed. 


PROPERTY CONSIDERATIONS CEMENTING UNION 


Although problems connected with property were so 
serious that they had delayed many prospective unions, had 
prevented others, and had contributed to the failure of 
unions once begun, yet, on the other hand, property con- 
siderations had proved influential in bringing certain united 
churches into closer union. A conviction that the perpetua- 
tion of two or more church plants involved inefficiency, 
waste, insecurity and divided interests, was influential in 
bringing about thorough reorganization resulting in a union 
far more closely knit than before. 


| 


Chapter XII 
LEADERSHIP 


The kinds of leaders of united churches that will be con- 
sidered in this chapter are the ministers and the local lay 
leaders. The importance to these churches of a third kind 
of leaders, namely, denominational officials, is fully recog- 
nized; but, since the present section of this book concerns 
only problems within the jurisdiction of the local church, the 
influence exerted by overhead denominational officials will 
not be considered here, but in a later chapter on “Adjust- 
ments by the Denominations.” 


THE MINISTER 
FACTORS DETERMINING SUPPLY 


One of the reasons for uniting forces most frequently 
mentioned was a desire to obtain better ministerial service. 
People wished a resident, full-time minister of superior 
abilities. Such a man they hoped to attract by offering an 
unusually large salary out of their combined resources. 


Salary Offered + 


For this reason the average salary paid by united churches 
of all types was considerably higher than that paid by 
churches in general. In comparison with the average salary 
for the ministers in the town and country area of the Twenty- 
five Counties, which was $1,030? (an allowance of $250 hav- 
ing been made for each minister with the free use of a 
parsonage), the averages for the types of united churches 


1 See Appendix Table VIII. 
2The Town and Country Church in the United States, p. 147. “In 
these figures is included the $250 allowed for the rental value of each 
parsonage that is provided free of charge.” Ibid., p. 144. 
193 


194 UNITED CHURCHES 


(no allowance for parsonage being included) were as fol- 
lows: for denominational united churches, $1,349; for fed- 
erated churches, $1,615 ; and for undenominational churches, 
$1,403. A large majority of the ministers were granted, in 
addition to their cash salaries, the free use of parsonages. 


Attitudes of Ministers 


The supply of ministers available for united churches was 
partly determined by the attitudes of ministers. To many 
ministers united churches were attractive as a field of labor. 
Some were drawn to them by the fact that they were experi- 
ments in Christian brotherhood. Others looked upon united 
churches, especially those alone in their communities, as 
offering to their minister what was called by several “a man’s 
job.” Still others, believing that the community church of 
one type or another was sure of a great future, considered 
that such churches offered at once an opportunity for service 
and a field for legitimate ambition. And a few, brilliant 
but unstable men, some of them not having received seminary 
training and others having been discredited by their denomi- 
nations, took advantage of the absence of supervision, or of 
the less strict supervision, existing among united churches of 
some types, to exploit such churches for their own personal 
advantage, during a service that usually proved brief. 

On the other hand, ministers of certain characteristics 
found the service of united churches distasteful. Their 
former parishioners reported that some men of this kind 
were bound by the red tape of their denominations, and that 
some lacked wide human sympathy and the art of concilia- 
tion. There were ministers who declared the service of 
united churches to have been irksome to them because in 
pressing the claims of missions they had felt hampered by 
the combination of denominational elements. A minister 
resigning from a federated church asserted to his denomina- 
tional superintendent that nothing would induce him to ac- 
cept another such charge: that it had been like driving a team 
when neither horse was broken. 

Natural selection was plainly at work, culling out from 


eT 


LEADERSHIP 195 


among the future candidates for the pulpits of united 
churches those ill-adapted for the service. 


Qualities Desired in Ministers 


A third factor in determining the kind of men who filled 
the pulpits of united churches was the attitude of local leaders 
of the churches respecting their prospective ministers. These 
leaders generally regarded it as indispensable that the first 
minister of a united church should be acceptable to all the 
diverse elements ; and many churches selected at this juncture 
a mild, gentle man, genial, perhaps, unaggressive—a reconciler. 
Afterwards it was sometimes said of such a man that he had 
been chosen “because he would do no harm.” But people 
also said of him, “He made us feel ourselves one,” or “He 
got us accustomed to working together.” Besides this 
faculty of reconciliation, valued especially in the beginning, 
united churches appeared chiefly to seek in their ministers 
two things: a good preacher and a man with a reputation 
for community service. Other qualifications desirable in 
view of the peculiar conditions of united churches were not 
usually recognized by church leaders. 

The supply of ministers was also limited by denomina- 
tional regulations and by the attitudes of individual denomi- 
national superintendents; but these matters will be treated 
in the chapter on “Adjustments by the Denominations.” 


MODE OF APPOINTMENT 


United churches connected with certain denominations, 
especially with the various Methodist bodies, accepted in ac- 
cordance with the discipline, ministers appointed by over- 
head authorities. Other churches of the denominational type 
of union, and churches in general of all other types, except 
a few Methodist units of federated churches, made their 
own provisions as to how the minister should be elected. 

For advice in the selection of ministers, many united 
churches turned to denominational superintendents or, where 
they existed, to interdenominational agencies. This was the 


196 UNITED CHURCHES 


practice even of some undenominational churches ; but many 
churches of this type had great difficulty in finding ministers. 
The Community Church Workers established in the spring 
of 1924 a service bureau, the function of which was to be 
to mediate between united churches and ministers desiring 
such charges. By the spring of 1925 this agency had filled 
thirty vacancies. 

The procedure of federated churches in calling ministers 
was in some respects peculiar. Some federated churches, 
especially in their early years, acted as two or more separate 
units, each unit independently calling the minister agreed 
upon. ‘This minister was for some federated churches the 
pastor of one of the units and the supply—or, if the unit was 
Presbyterian, the “stated supply’—of the other. More fre- 
quently, action was taken by the federated church as a whole, 
or, if non-member supporters were allowed a vote, by the 
federated congregation. The constitution of a certain fed- 
erated church surveyed provided that for property reasons 
the choice of minister must be approved by the Methodist 
Conference and by the Presbytery. 

Some united churches of all types provided that the church 
board should recommend a candidate to be voted upon by 
the church. Other churches left the investigation and prac- 
tically the decision to the executive board, but required that 
the choice be formally ratified by the church. According to 
still another method, the selection of the minister was rele- 
gated entirely to the official board. 

By some united churches of all types a majority vote was 
sufficient to select a minister; others required a two-thirds 
vote. 


DENOMINATION OF THE MINISTER 


Many federated churches, especially in states where de- 
nominational officials acting in codperation exerted their in. 
fluence to that end, incorporated in their constitution some 
provision as to the denomination of the minister. According 
to a common plan, ministers of the different denominations 
represented in the federation were to alternate. Sometimes, 


LEADERSHIP 197 


especially where one church was decidedly the stronger, it 
was agreed that all the ministers should be appointed from 
the denomination of the stronger unit. The most common 
arrangement the country over, however, was that in the 
selection of a minister his denomination should not even be 
taken into consideration. Of thirty-seven federations 
concerning which information on this point was obtained, 
eleven chose their ministers alternately from the denomina- 
tions represented, and twenty-six provided that denomina- 
tion should not affect choice. Moreover, of twelve united 
churches for which information was available for two stages 
of development, three used the principle of alternation at 
‘the first stage, but none at the second. That the minister 
tended, however, to be drawn from one of the denominations 
represented is shown by the fact that of 264 federated 
churches the denominations of whose ministers were known, 
only fourteen had a minister different in denomination from 
that of any of the units. 

The same condition was found among churches of the 
other types of union. Among 390 denominational united 
churches of four denominations for which the denomination 
of the minister was known, 363 had a minister of their own 
denomination, while only twenty-seven had a minister of 
some other denomination. The denomination having the 
largest number of churches served by ministers of other 
denominations, was the Congregational; and the denomina- 
tion of which there were most ministers serving churches of 
other denominations was the Methodist Episcopal. Eleven 
Congregational churches were served by Methodist ministers. 
These figures do not include ministers formerly of other 
denominations that had adopted the denomination of their 
church. One church, originally undenominational but later 
affliated, provided that the minister might “be called from 
any evangelical denomination, except that represented by 
his predecessor.” 


198 UNITED CHURCHES 


PREPARATION OF MINISTERS 
Education 


The questions of the schedule concerning the ministers’ 
education were answered by 231 ministers. Of these, all 
but twenty-three, or one-tenth this total number, had been 
students, if they were not graduates, of some college or 
theological seminary or of both. Appreciation of the impor- 
tance of filling in schedules implies some degree of educa- 
tion; but enough for the purpose might easily be acquired 
during one or two years at college. What is significant 
about the ministers answering these schedules is the propor- 
tion of them who had a considerably more extended educa- 
tion. Not only had 200 of the men, 86.5 per cent., been 
students at college, but 148, 64.0 per cent., were college 
graduates; 184, 79.6 per cent., had had theological training 
at Seminaries; 141, 61.0 per cent., were seminary graduates; 
and 106, 45.9 per cent., were graduates both of college and 
of seminary. 

The proportion of ministers with advanced education was 
even greater for the churches for which information was 
obtained on this point through surveys. Of the ministers 
of fifty-two churches visited, thirty-one, or about three- 
fifths, were graduates both of college and of seminary. 

On all these points the federated churches somewhat out- 
ranked the denominational churches, and the churches of 
both of these types were considerably ahead of the unde- 
nominational churches. 

That a considerable proportion of the ministers of united 
churches were well educated was particularly significant at 
a period when a decline in the education of the minister was 
arousing anxiety among educators and among denomina- 
tional leaders. 


Experience in the Ministry 


For 221 churches, information was furnished through | 
schedules concerning the number of years the pastors had 
been in the ministry. The average length of service was 


LEADERSHIP 199 


17.6 years. Less than 8 per cent. were without previous 
experience in the ministry. Comparatively few of the min- 
isters—only twenty-six—had served less than five years. 
The experience of somewhat more than one-third, 36.6 per 
cent., of the total number had lasted from five to fifteen 
years—that is, a large proportion of the ministers were still 
young. Comparatively few, only eighteen, belonged to the 
group that had served as ministers from fifteen to twenty 
years. Those that had served over twenty years numbered 
ninety-six and constituted 43.5 per cent. of the entire num- 
ber. Among young men and older men, accordingly, were 
found ministers chosen for their supposed adaptation to the 
peculiar conditions of united churches. 

The younger men were desired partly for the training, 
given only to comparatively recent seminary classes, in 
modern church programs and modern views of the Bible; 
and partly for their supposed energy and comparative free- 
dom from theological bias. | 

Among the 221 churches the federated churches most 
appreciated the older men, for half of them were served by 
men that had been in the ministry more than twenty years. 
The dual or multiple structure of federated churches ren- 
dered peculiarly acceptable to them the qualities of some 
older ministers. 


Previous Experience with United Churches 


Among 290 ministers answering the question whether or 
not they had previously served a united church, only fifty, 
17.2 per cent., had had such a preparatory experience. For 
the undenominational churches the proportion was somewhat 
higher than for churches of the other types. 


AMOUNT OF MINISTERIAL SERVICE 


Resident Ministers 3 


‘Because of the comparatively high salaries they offered, 
united churches had a large percentage of ministers resident 
in the community. For the entire number of united churches 


3 See Appendix Table XI. 


200 UNITED CHURCHES 


of all types listed, it was attempted to obtain through sched- 
ules, surveys, denominational statistics and otherwise, in- 
formation as to whether or not they had ministers in 1923, 
and if so, whether or not the ministers were resident. Of 
the entire number, 839, or 85.8 per cent., were ascertained 
to have ministers. The proportion of churches having minis- 
ters known to be resident was 59.9 per cent., and the propor- 
tion having ministers known to be non-resident was 18.8 
per cent. For 7.1 per cent. of the churches it could not be 
learned whether or not they had ministers; and for 7.1 per 
cent., though it was discovered that they had ministers, it 
could not be determined whether or not these were resident. 
So that, for 14.2 per cent. of the churches, the situation was 
in one way or another uncertain. The exact proportion of 
churches having resident ministers, therefore, was not lower 
than 59.9 per cent., and may have been anywhere between 
that and 74.1 per cent. As the proportion of town and coun- 
try churches with resident ministers in the 179 Counties was 
35.5 per cent.,* a comparatively high proportion of united 
churches were served by ministers living in the community. 

The 58.9 per cent. for denominational united churches 
came close to that for united churches in general. For 
undenominational churches it was lower, being only about 
one-third, 34.3 per cent. For federated churches, on the 
other hand, it was over twice the proportion prevailing in 
the 179 Counties, being 72.8 per cent., only one point below 
the proportion prevailing in the 140 Villages, where size of 
community and competitive conditions combined to make 
the number of resident ministers unusually high. 

For seventy-five united churches surveyed, because the 
majority of united churches selected for study in the field 
were comparatively strong, resident ministers were the rule 
for an even higher proportion still. . Though, on the date 
when they were visited, a few churches happened to be be- 
tween pastorates, all but five habitually employed the serv- 
ices of a resident minister. Almost all, moreover, provided 
their ministers with free parsonages. 


4 Compiled from data on page 73 of The Town and Country Church in 
the United States. 


LEADERSHIP 201 
Full-time Ministers 


Of the ministers filling out schedules, 249 reported on 
whether or not they devoted full time to one church. N early 
two-thirds of these men gave their whole time to one church, 
neither serving another church nor pursuing any other occu- 
pation. In this matter the federated church took the lead, 
with 70.7 per cent. of its ministers giving their full time 
to one church; and the denominational united church, with 
59.5 per cent.—perhaps because of long-established circuits 
—had a somewhat lower proportion than the undenomina- 
tional church, for which the ratio was 61.8 per cent. Virtu- 
ally all of these full-time ministers were resident ministers. 

The churches for which schedules were returned prob- 
ably had resident ministers in a somewhat unusually high 
proportion of cases. But even making allowances for this, 
far more of the united churches must have had full-time 
resident ministers than of the town and country churches in 
the 179 Counties, for which the proportion was only 16.5 
per cent.® 


Length of Pastorate 


For sixty-one of the united churches surveyed, all the 
ministers that had served each church were listed, with the 
length of each pastorate. The number of pastorates had 
been 167, the average length being 2.7 years. The average 
length of the unfinished pastorates was 2.1 years. Ten com- 
pleted terms of service for these churches amounted to only 
a fraction of a year each. The only pastorates among the 
167 that had lasted ten years or more were one of ten years, 
two of eleven years each, and one of seventeen years. Seven 
churches had had five or more different ministers, two 
churches having had seven each and one of long standing 
having had nine. 

Among 234 ministers answering through schedules the 
question as to length of pastorate, the average number of 
years that the minister had served to date was 2.9. One- 


5 The Town and Country Church in the United States, p. 73. 


202 UNITED CHURCHES 


ninth of the ministers had been in their pulpits less than a 
year. Only a little more than one-sixth, 17.9 per cent., had 
held their positions five years or more, and only eight, 3.4 
per cent., had held their positions ten years or more. Since 
the average pastorate of the town and country churches of 
the Twenty-five Counties was 3.8 years™ and that of the 
Successful Churches was 4.5 years,® the pastorates of united 
churches were on the average comparatively brief. 

As between different types of union, judging from the 
234 churches for which length of pastorate was reported 
through schedules, the undenominational churches had been 
served by their ministers for the shortest average time; and 
the highest proportion of churches that had changed minis- 
ters within the year was found among federated churches. 

For the comparative brevity of the pastorates of united 
churches several reasons were discovered. Federated 
churches choosing ministers alternately from the denomina- 
tions represented usually agreed upon a fixed term of serv- 
ice, which was included in the articles of agreement. The 
period thus set was from one to three years, two years 
being most common. One church set the term at one year 
with the privilege of extending the time. Many churches of 
all types of union had restricted the length of pastorate. A 
certain church decreed in its constitution that no pastor 
should be retained for a second or a third year except on a 
four-fifths vote of the pastoral supply committee, and after 
a third year only by a unanimous vote of that committee. 

The danger of getting a misfit or a bad character for a 
minister, to which all churches are liable, was intensified 
for united churches, partly by the lack of a clear under- 
standing as to what characteristics were required in the 
ministers and partly by the frequent absence of safeguards 
equal to those prevailing for churches of most denomina- 
tions. Moreover, the qualifications considered requisite for 
ministers of united churches, as will be shown later in this 
chapter, are so numerous and so rare that many men at- 
tempting to fill such pulpits failed to do so to the satisfac- 


5a The Town and Country Church in the United States, p. 73. 
6 Tested Methods in Town and Country Churches, p. XVI. 


LEADERSHIP 203 


tion of their people, especially since the presence of diverse 
elements in a church made it difficult to choose any minister 
permanently acceptable to all. 

These facts regarding length of pastorate, when taken 
together, tend to discredit the theory sometimes advanced 
that united churches owe whatever cohesiveness they may 
have to the personality of a minister and that upon his de- 
parture they speedily disintegrate. Only nine of the sixty- 
one united churches surveyed had had but a single minister 
since union; and of the nine, four had been in existence not 
more than two years. Moreover, only two of the nine min- 
isters had been on the field as leaders during the movement 
toward union. Further evidence tending in the same direc- 
tion was obtained by comparing in denominational statistics 
the names of the ministers who served during the year be- 
fore union and the names of the ministers who served in 
1923. Of 119 federated churches, for which information 
was available, only fifteen, or 12.6 per cent., had retained 
their ministers; and of thirty-two consolidated churches only 
two had retained their ministers. Some of the united 
churches surveyed had continued through several changes 
of pastorate. 


EFFECTS OF CHANGE OF MINISTER 


The unusually short pastorate of united churches made it 
particularly important to study the effects of changes of 
ministers. Like churches in general, united churches fre- 
quently chose as a new pastor a man very different from his 
predecessor. This resulted for some churches in the devel- 
opment by the newcomer of new sides of church work that 
under his predecessor had received less attention. Of thirty- 
five churches surveyed that had had either two or three 
ministers since union, only two had declined under a new 
minister ; fourteen had remained virtually static through all 
changes; for one a new minister had continued satisfac- 
_torily the program of his predecessor without adding any- 
thing; and for eighteen the new ministers had not only 
carried on the work already initiated, but had introduced 


204 UNITED CHURCHES 


additional activities. For a few churches, on the contrary, 
the change of pastorate had resulted in the abandonment of 
promising lines of activity. 


CHARACTERISTICS OF MINISTERS 


To have as a minister a man ill-adapted to the peculiar 
conditions and especially a man of bad character, was a more 
than usually serious matter in the case of united churches, 
because for them the presence of diverse elements resulted 
in an unusual instability. A leader that was not generally 
respected, or that could not handle difficult situations with 
judgment, fairness and tact, meant in an uncommon degree 
not merely distraction from the true concerns of the church, 
but serious dissension and possible dissolution. Considera- 
tions connected with ministers, indeed, were reported as 
factors m the abandonment of fourteen of twenty-nine 
temporary federations that were investigated through sched- 
ules; and for eight of these fourteen churches, the separa- 
tion was reported to have been caused, at least in part, by 
characteristics of the minister himself. 

Conclusions regarding the characteristics desirable in min- 
isters of united churches have been deduced from four 
kinds of evidence. In surveying specific united churches, 
careful study was made of the effects of certain qualities in 
the ministers both past and contemporary upon the welfare 
of the church. In so doing, especial attention was paid to 
what local people within and without the church said about 
the ministers. The pastors themselves, when of a thought- 
ful and dispassionate turn of mind, often expressed opin- 
ions regarding qualities desirable in those confronted with 
such problems as their own. Still more light was afforded 
by denominational superintendents, and in some cases by 
interdenominational officials, that had had a large number 
of ministers of united churches under observation. 

From this varied and abundant evidence it became clear 
that ministers serving united churches needed in a peculiar 
degree the following qualifications: 


LEADERSHIP 205 


A spirit broadly Christian rather than denominational. 

Impartiality toward all denominational elements in the united 
church served. 

Loyalty toward the type of union represented by the united 
church served. 

A patient, adaptable and conciliatory spirit. 

Wide sympathies. 

Common sense, and a judgment at once sane and alert. 

A sense of humor. 

Broad culture. 

A vision of community service. 

Special training. 


Despite the peculiar difficulties presented by united 
churches, and notwithstanding their demand upon their 
ministers for unusual qualities of mind and heart, many of 
the men filling such pulpits regarded their tasks not as 
burdens from which they longed to escape, but as challeng- 
ing opportunities for unusually effective service. 


Lay LEaApERS 


Since the majority of united churches were formed on the 
initiative not of ministers but of lay leaders, it follows that 
many of the churches possessed lay leaders of unusual force 
of character. The largest number of lay leaders were busi- 
ness men; a considerable number belonged to secular pro- 
fessions; smaller proportions came from the ranks of ar- 
tisans and of farmers. In many cases they were without 
traditions of church-going and had been drawn into the 
united church by its distinctive characteristics. As has been 
shown in earlier chapters, the predominance among the 
leaders of practical men of affairs affected the work of 
united churches in nearly every department. 


CONFLICTING LEADERSHIP 


United churches composed of elements previously organ- 
ized as local churches frequently included in the membership 
two or more persons that had been leaders in the original 
denominational churches. These individuals had usually 
acquired the habit of authority, and many of them were too 


206 UNITED CHURCHES 


old easily to resign it. Friction and wounded feelings among 
church officials, far from unknown in strictly denominational 
churches, presented therefore an unusually serious problem 
for the ministers and lay leaders of many united churches, 
particularly when one of the denominational churches form- 
ing the union had internal factions. 


THe MINISTER AND LAy LEADERS 


Church leaders sometimes took pains to limit the powers 
of their ministers. The constitutions of a considerable 
number of united churches provided that the minister should 
not be the chairman of the executive board; or that, though 
he should be “ex-officio a member” of this board, he should 
be “without the right to vote.” An undenominational church 
even went so far as to make the following provision, “The 
pastor is not a member of any standing committee but his 
advice is to be sought and heeded by all.” Still another 
undenominational church stipulated, “The pastor shall... 
at all times be subject to the voice of the church in all mat- 
ters pertaining to the leadership and teaching.” 

In general, however, religious aspects of the work of the 
church were left by lay leaders almost wholly in the hands 
of the minister. A number of the ministers took definite 
steps to enlist the lay leaders both in community activities 
and in church work of a religious character. Several trained 
some of the laymen to take charge of services. Every mem- 
ber of another united church was being led by the minister 
to feel that he was responsible for an important part of the 
work of the church. Though these policies were not peculiar 
to united churches, the strong lay leadership made it prac- 
ticable to apply them to uncommonly good effect. 


+ hn a ae 


Chapter XIII 
SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY 


The attitude of a united church toward its community and 
the attitude of the community toward the church, especially 
if it was the only Protestant church in the place, were usually 
very different indeed from the attitude of competing denomi- 
national churches toward their community and that of the 
community toward them. 

The feeling of the community toward a united church was 
well illustrated in a small agricultural community of the far 
West. The people all felt that the church was theirs, The 
building was never locked; it was used by any group need- 
ing a meeting place; and when people required chairs for 
any public assemblage they borrowed those belonging to the 
church, This attitude implied both an undivided constitu- 
ency and one particularly easy of approach by the church. 

On the other hand many united churches developed a 
peculiar sense of responsibility, voiced in one schedule in the 
words, “Church thinks in terms of community needs.” 
Recognition of their opportunity and acceptance of the 
responsibilities were often symbolized by the adoption of the 
title “Community Church.” But many churches calling 
themselves Federated, Union, United, and the like, also 
claimed, and held, a corresponding position in their com- 
munities. 

This chapter will consider the performance by united 
churches of four kinds of community activities; namely, 
religious education, evangelism, guardianship of morals, and 
secular ministries. 


ReELicious EpucaTIon 


The forms of religious education that will be discussed 
here are these: the Sunday school, young people’s societies, 
207 


208 UNITED CHURCHES 


the training of leaders, and week-day religious education 
including the daily vacation Bible school. 


THE SUNDAY SCHOOL 


The close relationship between the united church and the 
whole community made it unusually easy to draw into the 
Sunday school the children of the unchurched and the chil- 
dren of families preferring denominations not locally repre- 
sented. Therefore a considerable number of united churches 
had uncommonly large Sunday schools. Whereas church 
leaders in general aim at a Sunday-school enrollment equal 
to resident church-membership—a standard which few 
churches attain—the number registered in the Sunday schools 
of forty united churches surveyed in the field was, in twenty- 
seven cases, greater than the resident church-membership ; 
and the average Sunday-school enrollment of the forty 
churches was 121.9 per cent. of the total church-membership. 
This fact is the more significant since for thirty churches 
surveyed by the Institute of Social and Religious Research 
in a study of the most successful churches discoverable, the 
average Sunday-school enrollment was only 93.8 per cent. 
of the average resident church-membership. 

The condition found in the field surveyed was more than 
substantiated by denominational statistics. The figures for 
church-membership and for Sunday-school enrollment 
furnished in denominational annual reports were compared 
for 265 denominational united churches. The average Sun- 
day-school enrollment was over half as large again (156.1 
per cent.) as the average church-membership. Three- 
fourths of these Sunday schools were larger than the 
churches maintaining them; and over one-fourth had an en- 
rollment of two hundred or more. 

Not a few of the Sunday schools studied overflowed the 
quarters available for them in the church building. Several 
sent part of the classes to a schoolhouse nearby. One con- 
ducted its various departments in two churches, one school- 
house, and one other building. Certain classes of other 


SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY 209 


schools met in the parsonage; and at one parsonage two 
classes met in as many rooms and a third on the porch. 
Another school had to meet in two sections, the sessions of 
which took the whole of Sunday morning, the preaching 
service being in the evening. The united church of a com- 
munity with a total population of about 1,000 had a Sunday 
school enrolling 600. 

The unusual number from each age-group enlisted in 
classes, by making the companionship and the proceedings 
more interesting, tended not only still further to swell the 
enrollment but also to keep adolescents in Sunday school at 
the age when so frequently they slip away from religious 
influences. Of forty-five Sunday schools for which informa- 
tion on this point was obtained, thirty-six had one or more 
classes for teen-age students with an average enrollment per 
school of thirty-five, or one-fifth of the average total enroll- 
ment. Some of these young people were organized by classes 
or by departments in various social groups. 

One reason for the ability of united churches to attract 
young people to their Sunday schools was the fact that they 
did not accentuate theological doctrines: for if they had done 
so union would not have occurred. Several of the united 
churches surveyed, especially those in college towns, frankly 
adopted in their young people’s classes a modernist point of 
view. One such church, in a leaflet for distribution among 
students, made this statement: 


At 10:00 o’clock the minister teaches the College Young Peo- 
ple’s Class, giving a course on the Life and Teachings of Jesus, 
presenting Jesus from the viewpoint of the modern scholar. 


Attendance at the Sunday schools of many united churches 
was also popular among the adults. Thirty-three of the 
schools with classes of young people had an even larger pro- 
portion of adult students, the average number per school 
being fifty-three. 

Not all these adult groups proceeded conventionally 
through the International lessons. A certain class of busi-: 
ness women was studying Rauschenbusch’s Social Princi- 
ples of Jesus. The men of another united church had a 


210 UNITED CHURCHES 


forum, meeting in the parsonage at the Sunday-school hour. 
They discussed with much frankness and acuteness vital 
social problems of the day selected on a six months’ program 
by a committee consisting of the pastor, one man from a 
denomination other than that of the church, and a self- 
styled atheist. The sessions were so interesting that they 
were often prolonged; and the average attendance for the 
whole year, including days of storm and the Sundays of the 
harvest season, was thirty. Though this class was nominally 
for men, a few women succeeded in gaining a foothold; and 
there were occasional discussions, such as one on modern 
methods with criminals, to which women were formally 
invited. 

A few united churches were successful in enlisting un- 
usual elements in the population. Children of foreign-born 
parents formed nearly two-thirds of the enrollment of a 
Sunday school of 213 pupils, there being fifteen children 
from such families among the beginners, thirty-six in the 
primary grades, and so on through the other departments. 
The Sunday school of 600 pupils already mentioned had 
many country children, and those of a certain district were 
brought to Sunday school in a bus, the Senior Christian 
Endeavor Society paying the bill. Clear across the United 
States from this church was another that also transported 
to its Sunday school a group of children largely of foreign 
parentage. 

The achievement of these and other united churches, how- 
ever, is valuable rather through showing possibilities than 
as indicating average attainment, because the communities 
of a considerable majority of the churches surveyed had 
foreign-born families, or families of other unusual elements, 
the children of which had not been drawn into the Sunday 
school. 


Union of Schools 


A very few federated churches had Sunday schools for 
the separate units ; but most united churches of all types had 
a single united school. Those formed through the union of 


SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY 211 


two or more previously existing denominational churches 
encountered at the outset their own problems of reconstruc- 
tion as a single organization. They generally combined the 
Sunday schools immediately upon the union of the churches. 
A few schools that deferred the step found that after the 
enthusiasm incident upon the opening of a new era had died 
down it was rather difficult to find an occasion for combin- 
ing forces; though some Sunday schools did unite six 
months, or even longer, after the churches to which they 
were attached. 

Sometimes one of the superintendents was continued in 
office ; and in a few schools both were kept on, either as co- 
superintendents or one as superintendent and the other as 
his assistant. It was more common, however, to begin the 
new régime under a new head. ‘The superintendents of 
not a few schools, and sometimes the teachers also, resigned 
to leave the field open for a new administration. 

The choice of officers and teachers was frequently recog- 
nized as so important that either the nominations were made, 
or the selections were confirmed, or the whole business was 
conducted, by the executive body of the church. 

Classes from the different schools were usually combined 
so as to group the pupils according to age and sex. Classes 
having a social organization, however, and classes particu- 
larly devoted to their teachers were sometimes permitted to 
continue their separate existence. Such classes sometimes 
absorbed members from other denominations. Self-sacrific- 
ing teachers frequently used their influence to bring about a 
rearrangement crossing denominational lines. 


Sunday-school Literature 


Two or more Sunday schools uniting in the middle of a 
quarter usually continued to use the lesson helps they had, 
especially if both or all followed the International series of 
lessons. In so doing very little inconvenience was experi- 
enced; and a lesson was received in the similarity of the 
teachings of the denominations concerned. 

In anticipation of the day when new literature would be 


212 UNITED CHURCHES 


required, the publications of various denominational and 
undenominational publishing houses were frequently investi- 
gated. Several courses of action were common. Some 
schools adopted for all departments the literature of one of 
the denominations concerned, sometimes choosing that of the 
minister and changing with any change in his denomination. 
Other schools adopted for certain departments the literature 
of one of the denominations represented and for other de- 
partments that of another. Others chose undenominational 
material and still others combined such matter with texts 
issued by one or more denominations. 

As between graded and ungraded lessons, many of the 
united churches used progressive systems of graded lessons, 
either denominational, undenominational, or interdenomina- 
tional. Graded lessons were more frequently used by united 
churches in villages. Several small country schools, after a 
trial of graded lessons, had returned to the use of texts 
on the international series of lessons. The reasons usually 
given for this were, first, that a school holding its opening 
and closing exercises as a unit in a single room needed uni- 
form Bible passages which graded lessons do not have; and 
secondly, that it was more difficult to find substitute teachers 
for classes using graded lessons, since preparation of the 
lesson assigned to one class was of no assistance in teaching 
that of another grade. 

Some schools used graded lessons for the younger groups 
and the International series for adult classes. By other 
schools the decisions between graded and ungraded lessons, 
among undenominational, interdenominational and denomi- 
national publications, and if denominational, the choice of 
denomination, were all left entirely to individual teachers. 
The combination of material from different sources that 
usually resulted from individual selections appeared to some 
teachers to promote breadth of view and tolerance of spirit, 
but at the same time to lack the advantages of a well-bal- 
anced and progressive course of study. 

Two contrasting attitudes were observed toward material 
provided by denominational agencies. Some united churches 
felt that because they included members from many de- 


SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY 213 


nominations they could draw freely upon the supplies 
furnished by all. Such churches felt sympathy for the differ- 
ent denominational bodies and respect for the literature they 
provided. Other churches, on the contrary—chiefly unde- 
nominational churches and federated churches with a large 
undenominational roll—felt a certain distrust of all de- 
’ nominations and therefore preferred the publications of un- 
denominational agencies. 


YOUNG PEOPLE’S SOCIETIES 


Of 313 united churches for which the information was 
furnished by schedules, rather more than half, 55.6 per 
cent., had regular meetings for young people, the proportion 
being slightly higher for federated churches and a little 
lower for denominational united churches. These propor- 
tions were all higher than that prevailing in the Twenty-five 
Counties, where the proportion of churches having young 
people’s societies was only 35.7 per cent.1_ The region where 
the highest proportion of united churches of all types had 
young people’s meetings was the Pacific Coast. 

A considerable number of united churches had two or 
more societies for young people of different age-groups. 
One large church had five, ranging from the Alumni Chris- 
tion Endeavor to two Junior Endeavor groups. 

The young people’s societies of federated churches had 
usually been combined at the time the churches united. Of 
thirty-seven united churches with young people’s societies, 
all but two had joint organizations. 

One reason why young people’s societies flourished among 
united churches is suggested by the average attendance, 
which was twenty-five for the total of 197 groups, and which 
rose to thirty-five or more for certain particular areas. 
These groups had the attractiveness of comparatively large 
numbers. Another reason lay in the leadership, both lay 
and ministerial, of the united churches. 


1 The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas, p. 84. 


214 UNITED CHURCHES 


TRAINING OF LEADERS 


Many of the united churches, following accepted modern 
methods, increased the effectiveness of their teaching force 
through workers’ councils and teacher-training classes. 
Some of these churches employed special methods to train 
leaders in all departments of church activity. An unusually 
large united church held on the church-night of the week a 
so-called School of Methods, consisting of separate classes 
in teacher training, mission-study training, Christian En- 
deavor methods, Scout training and stewardship. 

Attendance at denominational and interdenominational 
conferences was utilized as an important factor in the train- 
ing of leaders by more than a few united churches. The 
minister of a certain federated church reported an experi- 
ment of this kind as follows: 


The church is in northern Ohio and has a goodly number of 
young people; and the experiment was tried out in 1922. The 
effort was made possible by several interested and generous lay- 
men and included thirty young people. The initial step was to 
send a senior high-school girl to the Cleveland Y.W.C.A. train- 
ing camp at Madison, Ohio. She came home with renewed 
enthusiasm and large visions. Six young people were taken by 
automobile to the state Sunday-school convention at Canton for: 
the full four days. They gained a new idea of the joy and 
worth of service in a well-built Bible school. Another automo- 
bile load was taken to the State Christian Endeavor convention at 
Akron with like results. Two young ladies went all the way to 
Lake Geneva, Wisconsin, to attend the older girls’ conference and 
will never forget that splendid experience. Six boys and girls 
spent a full week at the Congregational conference at Lakeside, 
Ohio, and in October two automobile loads went to the shorter 
young people’s conference at Tiffin, Ohio, held under the auspices 
of the Sunday-school Association. The young people paid part of 
the expenses, some more than others; and the church paid the 
rest. 

From every standpoint the experiment was a splendid invest- 
ment of time and money. Some of these young people are in 
college this year; others have moved to the city or to other 
towns; some are excellent leaders in the home church. After 
going over the list carefully I am glad to report that each one 
of the thirty is still a prominent student in the training school 
for leadership.? 


2 Rev. Payson Lewis Curtis, “A Study in Leadership and Leadership 
Training,” Christian Endeavor World, Dec. 13, 1923. 


SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY 215 


Five of the six conferences to which these young people 
were sent were undenominational or interdenominational ; 
the sixth was conducted by one of the three denominations 
represented in the federated church. 

A similar experiment was tried in a decadent western 
mountain village. The minister persuaded each of several 
social organizations of the community to assume the expense 
of sending one young man or young woman of high-school 
age to a training conference. They sent four young people, 
the minister accompanying them. The young people be- 
came so enthusiastic that, before returning home, they re- 
solved to hold at a lake near the home community a confer- 
ence of their own for some of their comrades. Out of this 
second conference grew a young people’s council through 
which the ambitions and ideas imbibed by the young people 
were confirmed and corrected through experience in active 
work, and which rendered valuable service to the community. 


RELIGIOUS TRAINING DURING THE WEEK 


In their use of weekday religious education and the daily 
vacation Bible school, united churches so far as they under- 
took such work followed for the most part the methods in 
general use. Yet attention may be called to several peculiari- 
ties. United churches found an easier approach to a broader 
public. The ministers of such churches had uncommonly 
little difficulty in obtaining opportunities to teach religion in 
the public schools. Certain united churches in communities 
with other Protestant churches endeavored to make their 
weekday religious training of both these kinds a union effort 
in which all the local churches codperated. One church, 
failing to accomplish this, took pains to draw into its daily 
vacation Bible school children from the Sunday schools of 
each of the other churches. 


EVANGELISM 


Two factors combined to make it comparatively easy for 
united churches to attract new members. In the first place, 


216 UNITED CHURCHES 


they were able to tap sources of membership not touched by 
denominational churches of the traditional type. Many 
business or professional people, for example, who would not 
have thought of becoming Baptists or Presbyterians, were 
open to the appeal, “Join the Union Church,” or “Join the 
Community Church.” Another advantage lay in the new 
beginning, which both inspired church workers to special 
efforts toward enlisting recruits, and at the same time ren- 
dered the church unusually attractive to outsiders. 

A considerable number of united churches, moreover, 
were in places where for some years previous to union the 
local churches had been comparatively inactive, so that people 
had begun to realize what church services and a resident 
minister contribute to the common life. In one such place it 
was reported that “people were just hungry” for religion. 
Here there was an old-time revival, and one hundred and 
twenty persons were received into the church on a single 
occasion. During the first year after union it was not un- 
usual for the united church to make considerable gain in 
membership. 


EVANGELISTIC SERVICES 


Several churches held evangelistic services during the first 
months of their combined existence; and some of these 
resulted in conversions and in additions to the church. One 
Methodist minister of an undenominational church, after 
conducting a series of services, received 104 persons on one 
Sunday and others later. The following year the same 
minister tried to hold another series of services, with the 
aid of a professional evangelist. The result was disappoint- 
ing. The people complained that they did not like “hurrah- 
bang methods.” Moreover, the psychological moment had 
passed, during which those most easily won to the new 
enterprise had been drawn in. 


PERSONAL WORK 


In reply to the question of the schedule, “What is the 
church doing toward the evangelization of the community ?” 


SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY 217 


though series of evangelistic meetings were sometimes men- 
tioned, there was more frequent reference to “personal 
evangelism.” On one schedule the words “organized, per- 
sistent, intelligent” were added. The personal work was 
more commonly performed by the pastor. Several churches, 
however, gave a share in it to local church workers. A 
method adopted by a western church was called “visitation 
day.” The plan was that every home and every ranch should 
be visited on a given Sunday by a church-member or a 
church family. Literature explaining the principles and aims 
of the church was provided for distribution. The fact that 
this church was alone in its community made the approach to 
strangers easy. 


GUARDIANSHIP OF MoRALS 


Some unions had been occasioned by the economic pres- 
sure exerted by a flood of irreligion that had arisen unheeded 
in the community while divided religious forces competed 
with one another. Such united churches naturally con- 
fronted unwholesome conditions and even serious moral 
evils. Some of these churches, or more frequently their 
ministers, endeavored to arouse the public conscience. 

In applying the usual methods of doing this—such as 
preaching, religious education, and pastoral work—there was 
evident a tendency, apparently connected with the tolerant 
spirit prerequisite to union, to give the general public an 
opportunity to draw their own conclusions in the light of a 
full and fair presentation of the whole matter in question. 
One minister, for example, feeling that the whole moral tone 
of his community was poisoned by frequent public dances 
held under questionable conditions, advertised that at a cer- 
tain evening service he would preach on dancing. The church 
was crowded, there being present even a retired Lutheran 
minister that had never before attended a service in that 
church. The sermon set forth, first, the advantages of 
dancing, and then the disadvantages involved in it when 
conducted under unfavorable conditions. After presenting 
the facts required for a clear understanding of the problem 


218 UNITED CHURCHES 


the preacher stopped, leaving each hearer to draw his own 
moral. 

A similar result was aimed at by a different method at a 
place in the far West where a “Forty-Niner Camp” had just 
been held. This institution reproduced for a few days the 
wide-open conditions of the gold seekers’ camps, community 
authorities shutting their eyes temporarily to frank disre- 
gard of all law. One Sunday evening soon after, the matter 
was taken up at the Young People’s League of the church. 
A judge residing in the community was present at the re- 
quest of the minister to make clear the legal aspects of the 
situation. A committee formed of representatives of the 
church and of the league prepared the following petition: 


Whereas, Our American civilization is dependent on law and 
order, we request the Board of Trustees of the City not to allow 
any organization to come in under any guise whatever in which 
violation of city ordinance or state and national laws is involved. 
We individually pledge ourselves to the enforcement of the law. 


At a place where conditions were so bad that drunken 
men were arrested at public dances and the reélection of a 
judge was defeated because in spite of threats he continued 
to cause such arrests, the community church brought about 
the formation of a Law Enforcement League. This organ- 
ization arranged mass meetings and circulated petitions in an 
energetic effort to correct the evils, although without success. 

Some united churches conducted their campaigns so vigor- 
ously that they aroused the opposition of the interests they 
opposed. 


<é 


SECULAR MINISTRIES 
IN SMALL COMMUNITIES 


In many a small place without any other church or social 
agency a united church was found to be the center of com- 
munity life. In an open-country community of the Middle 
West, for example, where for years three churches had been 
unable to support services, a consolidation of the three 


SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY 219 


as a denominational united church transformed the whole 
situation. One of the churches that surrendered its denomi- 
national connection freely gave its church building as a 
“white Christmas gift,’ with the approval of its overhead 
authorities, to the church with which it was uniting. 
This building, greatly enlarged and improved, became the 
scene of many activities, secular as well as religious, includ- 
ing the meetings of farm organizations and of a health clinic. 
An extra church building was used for athletics, and once a 
year for a community fair. It was the general opinion that 
the united church had raised the whole moral and social level 
of community life. 

In another small community with but one church, a few 
Episcopalians, all belonging to only five families, asked the 
bishop to come and start an Episcopal church. At a com- 
munity mass meeting, the bishop being present, the minister 
of the existing church, which was Presbyterian, explained a 
plan for putting that church on a community basis. The 
bishop, realizing the folly of dividing the forces of so small 
a place, refused to enter the field. By 1924 the church con- 
sisted of 180 associate members and 156 regular members; 
and the associate members had an equal share in voting 
rights and in church work. Through community discussions 
fostered by this church the roads had been greatly improved ; 
an excellent water supply had been provided for the com- 
munity; moving pictures were shown weekly; a packing 
house was used in winter as a gymnasium under the super- 
vision of trained volunteers; a local high school had been 
started; and in the season of migrant workers special mov- 
ing pictures had been offered and a school for the children 
of the migrants had been attempted. 


IN LARGER COMMUNITIES 


Where secular tasks were already in the hands of special 
agencies, as was the case in most larger communities, the 
part undertaken by the majority of united churches was 
cordial codperation, either officially, through the making of 
announcements, and sometimes through contributions from 


220 UNITED CHURCHES 


the church treasury; or unofficially, through work done and 
the leadership furnished by church-members and pastors; or 
indirectly, by stimulating the spirit of brotherhood and of 
service. | 

The minister of a certain united church, to be sure, be- 
lieving strongly in the social gospel, on coming to a com- 
munity where welfare activities were already conducted 
through secular agencies, endeavored to transfer responsi- 
bility for these tasks to his church. The effort resulted in 
antagonizing leaders who were already working for the ends 
the minister desired and whose codperation he needed. 

As a rule, however, community churches and their minis- 
ters confined their formal social activities to fields in which 
needed work was not being done. Sometimes they achieved 
their end by starting a secular organization designed to per- 
form the task. Agencies initiated through the influence of 
united churches included farm organizations, parent-teacher 
associations, scout troops and campfires, clinics, and com- 
munity welfare associations. Some of these organizations, 
such as troops of Boy Scouts, were supervised by the church. 
Others were from the start entirely independent agencies. In 
certain communities where there already existed agencies 
with activities that overlapped or conflicted, a community 
church or its minister had taken the lead in the formation of 
a coordinating agency composed of representatives from the 
existing organizations and designed to help them all to work 
together more effectively for the common welfare. 

Some united churches felt that under existing conditions 
certain social needs could best be met by the church itself. 
One such need was that of wholesome recreation for the 
young. Responsibility in this matter was assumed by the 
church, in some places, in order to counteract the attraction 
of commercial amusements of a demoralizing nature, and in 
other places to keep leadership in the matter away from an 
element not trusted by church leaders to maintain suffi- 
ciently high standards. 

Very many united churches, with a superfluous church 
building adapted it to serve some need particularly pressing 
in their particular environments. Many such buildings, 





SERVICE TO THE COMMUNITY 221 


under the name “community house,” were fitted for basket 
ball and other forms of athletics; or for moving pictures, 
amateur plays, and public meetings; or for dinners and 
social affairs; or for use as reading rooms. The spirit in 
which some united churches devoted a church building to 
social uses was well expressed in the following dedicatory 
pledge, used at the formal opening of large and attractive 
rooms in the basement of a federated church: 


We the officers and members and friends of the United Church 
assembled on the second day of December, 1920, do hereby ex- 
press our earnest desire that these social rooms may be fittingly 
dedicated to and used for the upbuilding of the cause of Christ 
and the spread of His spirit of Brotherly Love. We dedicate 
these rooms to... the proclamation of the Gospel in terms of 
friendship and goodwill toward all men, in terms of a finer 
understanding of each other and a more sympathetic apprecia- 
tion of our neighbors and the good they possess. We dedicate 
these rooms to the service of little children . . . to the well being 
of all young people who may come here . . . to the strengthening 
of the manhood and womanhood of the men and women, . 


Two of the churches surveyed had attempted to conduct 
social programs, but had ended by turning over the work 
to secular agencies. One of the two tried to run moving 
pictures, but could not make them pay because the public 
preferred films of a different character from those the 
church thought it best to present. This church surrendered 
the enterprise to a men’s civil league, which conducted it at a 
profit. Another church, organized at the very beginning of 
the existence of a young community, built a great community 
house and attempted there under the direction of a church 
staff many complicated social activities, Partly through poor 
financial management and partly because the community de- 
sired more popular recreation than the church provided, the 
plan was abandoned; and an amusement association was 
organized to assume responsibility for all social activities. 
This organization took over the community building, except 
for certain hours during which it was reserved by the church 
for its own activities. 

Parallel experiences had brought to leaders of other united 
churches the conviction that the church can wisely under- 


222 UNITED CHURCHES 


take needed secular ministries only where and so long as 
there are no specialized agencies to assume responsibility for 
them; and that where specialized agencies do exist the func- 
tion of the church is to diffuse a spirit of brotherhood and 
of service and to enlighten the conscience and the judgment 
of social leaders. 
Through quiet methods of religious education and 
evangelism, through guardianship of public morals and 
through various secular ministries—sometimes performed by 
the church itself but oftener accomplished indirectly through 
specialized agencies—many a community once estranged 
from its several competing churches, was gradually being 
brought into friendly relations with the united church. 


Chapter XIV 
OTHER CHURCHES 


Many a united church confronted some problem relating 
to other churches, actual or projected, in the same com- 
munity. Should it be the only church in the community? 
If there were other churches, what should be its attitude 
toward them? If it was not the only church, should it adopt 
the title “Community Church”? 

The solution of these problems did not rest entirely within 
the control of the united churches. Conditions varied from 
locality to locality. Even in the same community individual 
opinions often differed as to what was desirable or prac- 
ticable. In many places the situation was observed to be in 
process of change. No more will be attempted here than to 
present, in all its inconsistency and inconclusiveness, the 
actual position of united churches in 1924 in regard to these 
three problems. 


WHETHER ALONE oR Not 


Regarding the first problem, the united church alone or 
in the presence of other churches, this chapter will present 
four groups of facts. It will show: 

How many united churches were the only churches in their 
respective communities. 

How many were in the presence of other churches be- 
longing to each of six types of denominations. 

What denominational types were represented in formal 
unions, 

How the churches outside a united church were related 
in denominational types to the elements within the united 
church. 

The first two groups of facts relate to 483 united churches 

223 


224: UNITED CHURCHES 


situated in villages, in hamlets or in the open country, and 
about which it was learned whether or not they were the 
only churches in their respective communities.t These 483 
united churches constitute a sample of slightly more than 
half of the 941 village, hamlet, and open-country united 
churches discovered in 1924. 


NUMBER ALONE IN COMMUNITY 


Of the 483 churches, 217, or 44.9 per cent., served their 
fields alone, there being in their respective communities no 
other church of any kind. The proportion of churches thus 
alone was highest for those of the denominational type of 
union, a little more than half of which, 51.2 per cent.,? were 
alone. Of the federated churches, two-fifths, and of the 
undenominational churches, just about one-third were the 
only churches in their respective communities. 


NUMBER WITH OTHER CHURCHES 


In 266 communities, on the other hand, united churches 
were in the presence of other churches. These situations 
were classified according to the types of denominations of 
the other churches in the same community.® 


1 The information was obtained for some united churches through sur- 
veys or mail schedules; and for churches in a few states from state 
manuals or gazetteers. For these churches the denominations of all 
neighbor churches were learned. In other cases, through consultation of 
the annuals of six denominations publishing statistics regarding local 
churches—each of these denominations having many churches widely scat- 
tered—it was learned whether or not a church of one or more of these 
denominations existed in the same community with the united church in 
question. The absence of information regarding the location of the 
churches of many denominations affected the data in two ways: More of 
the situations where there was at least one other church could be identified 
than of the situations where there was no other church. The figures for 
the number of other churches of the different types are minimum figures, 


not precise ones; and comparisons of these figures would not be significant. — 


2 One reason for the comparatively high proportion is that, in making 
the list of united churches, pains were taken to exclude denominational 
churches in competitive situations, except where their character as united 
churches was fully substantiated, as, for example, where they had origi- 
nated through the consolidation of existing churches. 

3 The grouping of denominations is that used in The Town and Country 
Church in the United States, p. 110. 

When a united church was in the presence of churches of more than 


OTHER CHURCHES 225 


Of the 483 united churches, at least 119 were in the same 
communities with Catholic churches. Fifty were in the 
presence of no other church except the Catholic church, so 
that 267, or 55.3 per cent., were the only Protestant churches 
in their communities. 

At least thirty-five united churches were in the presence 
of churches ministering to groups of foreign-born, many of 
which conducted their services in a foreign language. 

Forty-five or more united churches each shared a field 
with either a Lutheran or an Episcopal or a Reformed 
church, or, in one case, with churches of two of these de- 
nominations ; that is, with one or more churches which in the 
classification adopted were characterized as “liturgical.” 

Eighty-five united churches had as neighbors one or more 
immersionist churches of the following denominations: Ad- 
ventist, Northern Baptist, Christian, Church of Christ, and 
Disciples of Christ. 

Seventy-five united churches were in the presence of 
churches of Protestant denominations not included under 
the types already considered, and grouped in the classifi- 
cation followed as “all other Protestant churches.” This 
group of denominations included, for example, the Methodist 
bodies and the Presbyterian bodies. 

Churches from one or more of all six of these classes of 
denominations, accordingly, were present in the same com- 
munities with united churches, thus proving the existence in 
such communities of corresponding elements of the popula- 
tion that had not been absorbed-in the united churches. The 
relative frequency with which elements of the different 
classes of denominations were present but unabsorbed could 
not be estimated on account of the incompleteness of the 
information. The data in hand make it clear, however, not 
only that many united churches were in the presence of 
Catholic or foreign-language churches, the need for which is 


one of the denominational types, it was taken into account in more than 
one of the following statements, so that the figures overlap. But when 
a given united church was in the presence of a church that might have 
been considered as belonging to more than one type of denomination, the 
situation was counted only once. A foreign language church of a 
liturgical denomination was counted as a foreign language church, but not 
as a liturgical church, 


226 UNITED CHURCHES 


generally recognized, but that many were in the same com- 
munity with liturgical churches, with emotional churches, 
with immersionist churches, and even with churches of the 
“other Protestant” group. 


DENOMINATIONS REPRESENTED 


Members had come to united churches from not fewer 
than fifty denominations, representing each of the six types, 
even including the Catholic Church. But in the membership 
of any one united church, the representation from any one 
denomination would for most of the different types of de- 
nominations be very small. Groups strong enough to have 
formed churches that formally became parts of united 
churches, belonged, as has been shown in earlier chapters,‘ 
almost exclusively to two denominational types. They were 
either of the immersionist type, represented chiefly by 
Northern Baptist churches, or of what is called in this book 
the numerically predominant type ® of denominations, which 
was represented in unions chiefly by Congregational, 
Methodist Episcopal, and Northern Presbyterian churches. 
The churches of these two types, it has also been shown, 
were in the large majority of unions combined in one of two 
ways: either immersionist elements with elements of the pre- 
dominant type, or predominant elements with other pre- 
dominant elements. 

The types of denominations of the elements of united 
churches will now be considered in connection with the types 
of denominations of neighboring churches. This inquiry 
will be based for the most part on the facts concerning 167 
federated churches for which the requisite information was 
available.® 

Seventy-five of the 167 federated churches included an 

4 See pages 40, 64, 84 and 99. 

5 See page 40. 

6 The investigation was limited to federated churches partly because 
for them official information was available concerning the denominational 
composition as it actually was in 1923-24; and partly because federated 


churches were far more numerous than were formal unions of organized 
churches belonging to either of the other two types. 


OTHER CHURCHES 227 


immersionist unit; and ten, or about one-eighth of the total 
number, were in the presence of another immersionist 
church. All but two of the federated churches included one 
or more units of the predominant type of denominations; 
and thirty-eight, or between one-fifth and one-fourth, were 
in the presence of at least one other church of the predomi- 
nant type. That is, the proportion of churches of denomina- 
tions of the predominant type that competed with a similar 
element within a united church was larger than the propor- 
tion of churches of immersionist denominations so compet- 
ing. This difference is natural, considering that denomina- 
tions of the predominant type are considerably more numer- 
ous than immersionist denominations, and that they have 
among them a far greater number of town and country 
churches. 

The proportion of federated churches in the presence of 
other churches of the same denominational type as one or 
more of their units, showed no marked variation from region 
to region. There seemed to be a connection, however, be- 
tween such competition and size of community. Few of the 
cases, naturally, were in hamlets or in the open country. 
They might be expected to be more common in larger vil- 
lages than in those having fewer people to support churches; 
but of the thirty-eight communities where a church of the 
predominant type was in the presence of a federation with 
a predominant unit, twenty-three—that is, decidedly more 
than half—belonged to the class of small villages with a 
population of less than 1,000, where the American Village 
Study found there were more than half again as many 
churches in proportion to population as in larger villages. 
Only thirteen cases of this form of competition were ascer- 
tained to be in villages with more than 1,000 inhabitants; 7 
and in four of these villages a federated church combining 
an immersionist element and an element of the predominant 
type was in the presence both of an immersionist church 
and of one of the predominant kind. 


7 It was not learned whether the population of one of the villages was 
over or under 1,000. 


228 UNITED CHURCHES 


Seventy-three of the 167 federated churches had both an 
immersionist unit and one of the predominant type. Of 
these federated churches including units of both types, over 
half were the only churches in their communities; while of 
those composed either of units of the predominant type only 
or of immersionist units only, one-third were the only 
churches in their communities; the federated churches hav- 
ing elements of both types being therefore the only churches 
in a comparatively high proportion of communities. 

In thirty-three communities a Congregational, a Methodist 
or a Presbyterian church was in the presence of a federated 
church containing a unit of one or another of these three 
denominations. Of the churches outside the federations, 
thirty-three were Methodist Episcopal, four were Presby- 
terian and one was Congregational. 

Twenty-three communities having united churches repre- 
senting all types had also one or more organized churches 
of the very same denomination as a unit or as a considerable 
element of the united church itself. Eight of the twenty- 
three united churches were denominational churches; five 
were federated churches; and ten were undenominational 
churches. All the competing churches had been in ex- 
istence before the union. At least twelve had continued 
their activity, losing part of their members to the united 
church ; seven or more had ceased holding services for a time 
but had resumed them later. Ten of the strictly denomina- 
tional churches in these peculiarly competitive situations 
were of immersionist denominations; fifteen were of non- 
immersionist denominations. 


Realignment 


In most instances a denominational church competing with 
an element of its own denomination within a united church 
had included before union two groups having divergent 
theological opinions, one element being in general more 
conservative than the other. As union obviously implied a 
willingness to minimize theological differences, many con- 
Servative persons shrank from entering united churches. 


OTHER CHURCHES 229 


Therefore the formation of unions often started a process 
of realignment. Sometimes the most conservative of the 
original churches, preserving its existence, attracted either 
as supporters or as workers, and occasionally even as mem- 
bers, the more conservative members of the various churches 
that united; while at the same time it often lost to the united 
church the less conservative of its former constituents. For 
example, in one village where there had been four churches 
—Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian and Universalist—when 
the last three combined as an undenominational church, the 
Baptist church lost a few members to the new community 
church and gained a larger number of constituents from 
among the more conservative Methodists and Presbyterians, 
thus becoming a far stronger working force than before. 
Each side felt that the new grouping had resulted in greater 
harmony and more adequate service for both elements; and 
relations were more friendly than while there had been four 
churches. The local people sometimes applied to the two 
groups the terms Fundamentalist and Modernist; but more 
often the reality existed without being formulated in words. 

Even when conservative persons were not numerous 
enough or not aggressive enough to have a church of their 
own, there were frequently individuals too little in sym- 
pathy with the united church to accept its religious ministra- 
tions. Many of these persons stopped attending the church 
altogether. While thus adrift they were susceptible to the 
approaches of groups preferring an emotional type of re- 
ligious experience. All over the United States these groups, 
it was learned through the American Village Study, had 
rapidly been gaining influence, being commended to many by 
their earnest and evangelistic spirit and by their use of 
biblical language. More than one denominational superin- 
tendent declared that in his experience the organization of a 
united church was regularly accompanied by the loss of in- 
dividuals to such groups, whose influence he considered 
dangerous to spiritual welfare. In a certain community 
visited, for instance, an emotional group was dividing and 
bewildering the members of a united church; and in another 
place Holy Rollers had actually split up a union of several 


230 UNITED CHURCHES 


churches. Twenty-one united churches were reported as 
having in their communities groups of the emotional type; 
and as these faiths do not publish statistics, the total number 
in the communities with the united churches of the sample 
was undoubtedly larger. | 

Even the particular denominations that had many churches 
entered in formal unions, had other churches that remained 
outside united churches in the same community, or that 
entered unions and later separated from them. This was 
found true, for example, for the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, the denomination that had far the greatest number 
of town and country churches in the field studied. Methodist 
units formed parts of 178 federated churches, that is, of 
more than half the total number discovered in 1924; and 
Methodist Episcopal churches had also been involved in the 
formation of more than half the consolidated churches. Yet, 
on the other hand, thirty-three Methodist churches were in 
the same communities as federated churches that had each 
a unit of the predominant type; and forty-three Methodist 
churches had temporarily been units of federated churches 
that were dissolved later. Whether a religious element of 
the community was to be within or without a united church 
was evidently affected by factors operating in some situations 
but not in others. 


Judging from the data that have now been brought to- 
gether regarding the presence or absence of other churches 
in the same community with a united church, the factors most 
important in 1924 in determining whether or not the united 
church was to be alone in its community were these: 

The denominational types represented in the population 
by considerable groups. 

The size of community. 

Realignments of religious forces. 

Peculiar features of individual situations. 


ATTITUDE Towarp OTHER CHURCHES 


Although united churches, by the very act of uniting, had 
obviously abjured the spirit of sectarian rivalry as among 


OTHER CHURCHES 231 


their own elements, a considerable number of them, with the 
professed intention of uniting all the local religious forces, 
tried to supplant other churches in the community. Some of 
them had been influenced by articles from leaders in the 
movement toward union, which assumed the “community 
church” to be as a matter of course the only church in its 
community. Others were familiar with a few places where 
a united church actually was alone, and took for granted 
that this condition was general. When a union project origi- 
nally included a church that decided to maintain its separate 
existence, strained relations sometimes resulted. The keen- 
ness of the competition shown by some united churches is 
illustrated by the situation in a village in California. The 
local paper, sympathizing with the majority, which was in 
the united church, refused to print notices of the other 
church, which was Methodist; and at school Methodist chil- 
dren were sent to Coventry. Again, in a place where a few 
years after the union of all the Protestant forces, an Episco- 
pal church had been organized, some members of the Com- 
munity Church threatened to boycott any storekeeper that 
should join the new church. 

Some united churches met similar rivalry from one or 
more churches outside the union. For example, a Baptist 
church, losing a considerable group of its members to a new 
united church that combined also two other local churches, 
not only put up a community building and conducted a lively 
program of social activities, but carried the war into the 
lodges; one result being that a Baptist who had joined the 
united church was blackballed by the Masons. In this case, 
and in many others, the local people declared that the opposi- 
tion to the united church was backed by denominational offi- 
cials; and the reports were sometimes confirmed by these 
officials themselves. 

The hostility was occasionally mutual. In a place where 
a vigorous attempt was made to unite all the churches, the 
union actually achieved consisted of one church and individ- 
uals from three others. The new church on the one side and 
at least two of the reduced denominational churches on the 
other did their best to win attendants and members at the 


232 UNITED CHURCHES 


expense of the opposite side; and the feelings and language 
of either side towards the other were decidedly bitter. In 
some cases each side was sure it was in the right, the one 
being loyal to a beloved denomination and the other to the 
ideal of Christian union. Cases of the kind existed; and 
because they furnished good copy, they received so much 
publicity that they were believed to be more common than 
they really were. 

In a number of communities where the original union 
was the affair of only two among several churches, friendly 
relations were observed to exist between the united church 
and its neighbor churches, which cooperated in the usual 
ways. 

In not a few places, moreover, the united church, after 
some years, drew an additional church into the union. Eight 
federations of two units each in different parts of the United 
States were joined after a lapse of from one to thirteen 
years by local churches of a third denomination. Though 
for the other types of union successive increments were more 
apt to be gradual and therefore less easily traced, one consoli- 
dated church and two undenominational churches were ascer- 
tained to have attracted each an additional organized element. 


Use or TitLE—“ComMmunity CHURCH” 


Of the denominational and undenominational united 
churches for which the presence or absence of other churches 
in the community was known, all those ascertained to use the 
title “Community Church,” which numbered II4, were dis- 
tributed according to whether or not they were in the same 
community with other churches of any kind, with other 
Protestant churches, and with churches of the same class of 
denominations.® 

Oi the 242 denominational united churches that were 
considered in the earlier part of this chapter, sixty-nine, 
or something more than one-fourth, used the title “Com- 

8 Some of the churches not included in this sample had other names; 


for others the title was not learned. Federated churches were left out of 
account because comparatively few of them used the title, 


OTHER CHURCHES 233 


munity Church.” Of the sixty-nine, twenty-six were the only 
churches in. their respective communities, and forty-eight 
were the only Protestant churches. Only nine, or about one- 
eighth of the number, were in a community in which there 
was a church of a denomination of the same type. One rea- 
son why so few denominational united churches not alone in 
the community adopted the title, was that the practice was 
discountenanced by certain state home-missions councils, a 
fact that naturally had a comparatively strong influence on 
united churches of this type. 

Of the seventy-four undenominational churches, it was 
ascertained that forty-five, or about three-fifths, used the 
title “Community Church.” Seventeen of these forty-five 
were alone in their respective communities, and twenty- 
four were the only Protestant churches. On the other hand, 
nineteen, or more than two-fifths, were each in the presence 
of another church either of the predominant type or of the 
immersionist type. 

The title “Community Church,” therefore, was used by a 
considerably larger percentage of undenominational churches 
than of denominational united churches—two-thirds as com- 
pared with something more than one-fourth. But of the de- 
nominational united churches using the title, only about one- 
eighth were in the presence of other churches of the same 
class of denominations, while of the undenominational 
churches adopting the name, two-fifths were in the presence 
either of an immersionist church or of a church of the 
numerically predominant type. 

The use of the title “Community Church” by churches in 
the presence of churches of similar denominations some- 
times, though not always, originated in an attempt at union 
that had been only partly successful. 


Chapter XV 
BENEVOLENCES 


United churches of all types were comparatively weak in 
benevolences, having a small average expenditure, a small per 
capita contribution, and a low proportion of total expendi- 
ture, devoted to benevolences,. Among churches of the three 
types, federated churches made the best record. They de- 
voted to benevolences a comparatively high proportion of 
their total expenditure, and although the per capita con- 
tribution was low, the average expenditure for benevolences 
was higher than that prevailing for town and country churches 
of the Twenty-five Counties. On all three points many 
federated churches made a better showing than had the de- 
nominational churches composing them during the year be- 
fore union, 167 federated churches giving in 1923-24 two- 
thirds as much again as had their elements during the year 
before union. On the whole, however, united churches of 
all types contributed comparatively little to the world-wide 
Christian program. 

The deficiency was partly accounted for by two unusual 
circumstances. In the first place, the amounts expended by 
united churches in Christian service within their own com- 
munities were often comparatively large. Secondly, most 
published statistics concerning benevolences included only 
sums contributed to denominational] agencies ; whereas part 
of the benevolences of some united churches were sent to un- 
denominational or to interdenominational causes, 

Even taking into account, however, both local benefac- 
tions and contributions to interdenominational and undenomi- 
national causes, united churches in general were not strong 


in benevolences. 
234 


BENEVOLENCES 235 


DIFFICULTIES 


To the comparatively poor achievement of united churches 
in missionary giving several factors contributed. To begin 
with, many unions had been hastened by poverty; and even 
after combining forces the people did not consider them- 
selves able to contribute largely to outside causes. Again, 
many of these denominational churches had not been edu- 
cated to give. These two factors often worked together. 
For example, one of the three churches that united to form 
a certain undenominational church had been trained in benev- 
olences under vigorous denominational leadership, but the 
second had contributed virtually nothing to missions; and the 
third, never a missionary church, had been inactive during 
the six or seven years immediately before union. Many 
united churches, moreover, had arisen out of a local revolt 
against competitive denominationalism; and some such 
churches refused to contribute to denominational campaigns 
lest the money be spent in home-mission aid to competitive 
churches. Moreover, secular leaders drawn into united 
churches by the new program had usually not been trained in 
giving to missions and were frequently even opposed to mis- 
sionary activities in general. 

Finally, the denominational loyalty that forms one of the 
strongest incentives to benevolence for strictly denomina- 
tional churches was entirely lacking for the undenominational 
churches and for the undenominational membership of many 
federated churches. Federated churches as such, because of 
their divided allegiance, could usually invoke this motive only 
with great caution. Even among denominational united 
churches and affiliated churches, connected though they were, 
either closely or loosely, with but a single denomination, the 
presence of elements of other origins interfered with appeals 
to denominational spirit. 


UNDENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES 


These factors telling against benevolences affected in a 
particularly high degree united churches of the undenomina- 


236 UNITED CHURCHES 


tional type. Many of them had arisen in communities where 
competition had estranged people from denominations; not 
a few were still encountering opposition from rival denomi- 
national churches; an unusually large proportion of their 
leaders were unexperienced in the ways of denominational 
churches ; and whatever might be the traditions of individual 
members, the church organizations stood quite apart from 
denominational influences and were untouched by denomina- 
tional loyalty. Moreover, the leaders of some undenomina- 
tional churches frankly admitted that one reason for their 
choice of that type of union had been that they might escape 
paying assessments for overhead denominational expenses 
and for missionary programs. 

In the light of these considerations it is not to be wondered 
at that all the averages regarding benevolences for undenomi- 
national churches were exceptionally low. 


FEDERATED CHURCHES 


Federated churches, too, had their own peculiar difficulties. 
In the first place, because denominational supervision was 
divided, denominational overhead authorities were hampered 
in presenting and in pushing their campaigns. Furthermore, 
the ministers of federated churches were rarely familiar with 
the missionary activities of the denominations other than their 
own that were represented among their parishioners; and 
they also dreaded seeming to show partisanship for the 
agencies of their own denominations. Finally, many fed- 
erated churches had developed a desire to minimize whatever 
tended to recall their separate origins and interests. 

The policies of united churches in relation to their benev- 
olences concerned, first, the methods whereby they raised 
benevolent funds ; secondly, their choice of agencies to which 
to send benevolences for distribution; and finally, the means 
they adopted to obviate their peculiar difficulties. 


BENEVOLENCES 237 


MeEtTHOpDs oF RatstInc Money 
INDIVIDUAL SUBSCRIPTIONS 


By many united churches of all types funds for benevo- 
lences were raised through individual subscriptions, provision 
for which was sometimes made in connection with an annual 
canvass for local expenditures. Of forty-four federated 
churches for which information was available as to the 
method of raising benevolence funds, thirty-eight used in- 
dividual subscriptions paid either at one time or in install- 
ments. The-canvassers for a certain federated church carried 
separate subscription sheets for local work, for the benevo- 
lences of each of the three elements, and for a local mission 
for foreign-born sponsored partly by this church. 


A BUDGETED TOTAL 


When benevolences were thus raised through individual 
subscriptions, the total aimed at was sometimes included in 
the budget. Other churches provided that individuals should 
subscribe an undistributed sum toward a budgeted total 
amount out of which the church as a whole appropriated the 
benevolences. By either plan the amount budgeted was 
sometimes the amount of a denominational apportionment, 
or, in the case of certain federated churches, the total of the 
different apportionments. Other churches budgeted for 
benevolences a specified sum, which was sometimes a definite 
proportion of their total expenditures, and sometimes an 
amount that previous experience made it appear practicable 
to raise. Sums obtained in this last way by federated 
churches were usually distributed to the denominations con- 
cerned either equally or in specified proportions. 

A considerable number of federated churches that origi- 
nally had raised their benevolence funds as separate units 
changed their method so as to raise codperatively sums for 
benevolences that they afterwards divided in specified pro- 
portions. 


238 UNITED CHURCHES 


COLLECTIONS 


Some united churches, like many churches of the tradi- 
tional kind, raised their benevolences through occasional 
or periodical collections. One federated church divided the 
collection taken the first Sunday of every month equally 
among the three denominations represented. For a few, the 
sole benevolences for the year were raised through collec- 
tions taken after appeals by representatives of various causes. 
For other churches, special collections were combined with a 
systematic benevolence program. 


INCOME FROM INVESTMENTS 


Denominational assessments were paid by certain organ- 
ized elements of a few federated and undenominational » 
churches out of the income from funds owned by the de- 
nominational unit in question. 


AUXILIARY ORGANIZATIONS 


A few united churches followed the not uncommon prac- 
tice of leaving responsibility, or most of it, for the benevo- 
lences of the church to the Sunday school or to the women’s 
missionary societies. To women’s societies this responsi- 
bility was consigned by a considerable number of federated 
churches having such organizations for the separate units. 
The women raised the money sometimes through sales or 
suppers, sometimes through dues or contributions. Several 
united women’s societies also raised missionary money 
through sales, the proceeds being evenly divided. Of thirty- 
five federated churches with missionary societies, twenty-two 
had joint organizations and thirteen had separate societies 
for the denominational units. 

Among these methods, leaders of united churches found, 
first, individual missionary subscriptions and, second, appro- 
priation by the church from total receipts, to be the most ef- 
fective. Personal subscriptions were considered more useful 
in developing missionary interest and in establishing the habit 


BENEVOLENCES 239 


of missionary giving. The inclusion of a total sum for 
benevolences in the budget, on the other hand, was found 
more certain to produce the sum that was apportioned or 
that was desired. Several churches had changed their method 
from individual subscriptions to joint appropriations. 


CHoIcE oF BENEVOLENT AGENCIES 


United churches made their contributions to causes out- 
side the local community either chiefly or wholly to denomi- 
national boards; or chiefly or wholly through undenomina- 
tional or interdenominational agencies. Some of the churches 
contributing through denominational boards did so mainly or 
exclusively through the boards of a single denomination ; 
others, through the boards of two or more denominations. 


AGENCIES OF A SINGLE DENOMINATION 


The united churches distributing all their official benev- 
olences through the agencies of a single denomination in- 
cluded denominational united churches in general and most 
affliated churches. The minister of a German Reformed 
church in which had been merged a Methodist church, ex- 
plained to his parishioners that those making subscriptions 
toward the benevolences of that church would be forwarding 
Christian work in the world at large through the agencies 
of the Reformed denomination. Two-thirds of the con- 
tributors, in making out their subscription blanks, put down 
sums for benevolences; and those failing to do so, the 
treasurer said, were none of them Methodists. Many 
churches among both denominational united churches and 
affiliated churches felt that the denomination with which they 
were connected had established a claim upon them through a 
grant made by its building society toward the erection of a 
building. Others felt they were indebted to the overhead 
body for a supply of reliable ministers, for the fellowship 
enjoyed by these ministers and also, in the case of certain 
denominations, for the minister’s assurance of a pension. 
Some affiliated churches had agreed, as one part of their 


240 UNITED CHURCHES 


understanding with the overhead body with which they were 
connected, that all their official benevolences should be con- 
tributed through agencies of the denomination. 

Some united churches had permitted or even urged in- 
dividual subscribers to apply their personal benevolent con- 
tributions to the fulfillment of pledges given in denomina- 
tional campaigns before union and calling for payments over 
a period of years. A certain Presbyterian church that had 
enlarged its scope, though it still remained afhliated with the 
Presbyterian denomination, assumed responsibilities toward 
the New Era Movement that had been undertaken by the 
church as previously organized. 


AGENCIES OF TWO OR MORE DENOMINATIONS 


Although churches allied with denominations officially 
sent their main contributions to the agencies of the denomi- 
nation whose name they bore, many of them from the begin- 
ning of their existence as united churches had offered to 
transmit the subscriptions of individuals to the agencies of 
any other denomination. Some churches made provision for 
entering such destinations on the subscription blanks. Sev- 
eral churches surveyed had actually forwarded contributions 
to the boards of several denominations. The treasurers of 
other churches granting the opportunity, however, stated that 
no one had ever availed himself of it. 

Many united churches having a strong representation from 
two or more denominations distributed their benevolent con- 
tributions among the agencies of both or all of the denomi- 
nations concerned. This arrangement was adopted by nearly 
all federated churches; and it was in use for a few affiliated 
churches and for a number of undenominational churches. 


Affiliated Churches 


A few churches originally affiliated with a single denomi- 
nation had connected themselves officially also with one or 
two others. These churches contained informal groups, each 
provided with a treasurer of benevolences, which regularly 


BENEVOLENCES 241 


sent benevolences to the boards of the respective denomina- 
tions. 


Undenominational Churches 


Of twenty-five undenominational churches reporting 
through a schedule on missionary contributions, nine divided 
their contributions among the agencies of the denominations 
most largely represented in the membership, distribution be- 
ing in some cases in equal parts, in some cases roughly ac- 
cording to numbers ; and six reported gifts to missions with- 
out stating whether or not these missions were denomina- 
tional. An arrangement in force for several undenomi- 
national churches was that the benevolences should all go to 
the board of the denomination to which belonged the minister 
for the time being, the destination changing with each altera- 
tion in the denomination of the minister. A detailed resolu- 
tion providing for such a procedure was prepared by the 
minister of an undenominational church in the far West, 
and was submitted by him to the presbytery, by which it 
was informally approved. 


Federated Churches 


Each unit of the earliest federated churches raised its 
benevolences independently, sending them to the boards of 
its own denomination precisely as before union. This method 
was still in force among many federated churches. The 
units of such churches had separate treasurers for benevo- 
lences and separate collectors. 

Another plan was to appropriate for the missions of each 
denominational unit a specific proportion of the amounts 
contributed through subscription by the members of the re- 
spective units. 

Separate subscriptions under unified supervision were 
provided for in the constitution of one federated church as 
follows: 


The benevolences of the federating churches shall be printed 
together on a card or envelope, those of each church in a separate 


242 UNITED CHURCHES 


column so that a subscriber, in making his subscription, shall be 
able to designate the cause or institution to which he desires to 
subscribe. All money for benevolences shall be paid to the 
treasurer by the secretary of the board of managers, who shall 
keep an accurate account and pay the same to the cause or 
institution to which it belongs. 


According to another method the federated church raised 
funds for benevolences as a joint task and distributed them 
to the denominations concerned. The distribution among de- 
nominations was usually in proportion to the membership of 
the denominational units, or roughly in proportion to their 
respective contributions. By a number of federated churches, 
however, the weaker element was allowed to dispose of a 
proportion of the total benevolences equal to that assigned 
to the stronger, or at least of a generously calculated share. 

A question regarding whether the units of federated 
churches met their denominational assessments was answered 
on fifty-eight schedules. Of seventeen churches it was re- 
ported that both or all the units paid their assessments in 
full; and of nineteen, that both or all paid 50 per cent. or 
more of their assessments. Of fourteen churches one unit, 
but not the other, paid 50 per cent. or more; for only eight 
churches did both units pay less than 50 per cent. 


INTERDENOMINATIONAL AND UNDENOMINATIONAL CAUSES 


Many undenominational churches and some federated 
churches with a large undenominational membership made 
their benevolent contributions chiefly er even wholly through 
interdenominational and undenominational agencies. Such 
causes, including philanthropic agencies, were named on 
schedules as objects of benevolence by thirty undenomina- 
tional churches. Among interdenominational objects were 
included state federations of churches, the Federal Council 
of the Churches of Christ in America, and ten undenomina- 
tional missions, each named by a single church. Among 
undenominational agencies were named _ several missions, 
such as Canton Christian College, and a few undenomina- 
tional churches, such as the one in the Canal Zone. More 


BENEVOLENCES 243 


commonly mentioned, however, were philanthropic causes. 
Among the latter the Near East Relief was in the lead, being 
named by twelve churches; the Red Cross came next; and 
scattering mention was made of various orphanages, hos- 
pitals, and a college or two, these institutions being for the 
most part near at hand. 


LOCAL OBJECTS 


Some united churches of all types, like churches in general, 
provided for a deacon’s fund, or made similar arrangement 
for administering local relief. One church gave $600 an- 
nually toward the support of a mission for a foreign-born 


group. 
MEETING CHARACTERISTIC DIFFICULTIES 


Many leaders of united churches, being desirous that their 
people should miss neither a share in the Christianizing of 
the world nor the enlargement of the heart that they believed 
would result from personal missionary giving, and recogniz- 
ing at the same time that the motives in force for strictly 
denominational churches did not affect united churches so 
powerfully, appealed to several other motives. 


INTERDENOMINATIONAL SPIRIT 


United churches of all types, even including the denomina- 
tional united churches and the affiliated churches because 
they were composed of members from different denomina- 
tional origins, did not as a rule present the missionary pro- 
gram of one denomination alone and disregard the achieve- 
ments of all other religious bodies. They showed a general 
purpose to present the missionary program of the world, by 
whatever denominations it was executed, as one whole. To- 
ward this aim they used one of two methods, chosen accord- 
ing to the type of union. One way was to present for study 
and as objects for contributions the work of the denomina- 
tions represented in the local organization. The other was 
to make their composite constituency feel that the official de- 


24:4 UNITED CHURCHES 


nomination, being one of the great Christian bodies, was 
carrying on a part of the great program, so that all con- 
stituents of the local church, whether or not they had been 
originally of that denomination, could have a share, through 
its agencies, in the missionary work of the Christian Church. 

As texts for mission study united churches sometimes 
selected interdenominational publications and sometimes 
those of a single denomination. Slides, propaganda, lectures, 
and so on were obtained by some ministers from interde- 
nominational sources and by others from denominational — 
agencies, many availing themselves of the resources both of 
several denominations and of interdenominational agencies 
as well. Several ministers delivered lectures on the mission- 
ary work of different denominations. A certain federated 
church placed in the vestibule two bulletin boards, one for 
the publicity material of the Presbyterian boards, the other 
for that of the Methodist boards; and the members of the 
two units showed equal interest in the posters of both de- 
nominations. The women in combined missionary societies 
frequently developed interest in each other’s missionaries. 

The attempt to arouse sympathy for more than one de- 
nomination was most common where the elements combined 
had been churches previously organized. 


ANTI-DENOMINATIONAL SPIRIT 


A few undenominational churches capitalized the antipathy 
felt by part of their constituency toward denominational 
bodies and all their activities, in order to raise funds for 
interdenominational or for undenominational causes. That 
this motive had thus far proved comparatively ineffective 
was shown to be probable by the low averages for benevo- 
lences of undenominational churches in comparison with 
those of the other types of union. 


LOYALTY TO FORM OF UNION 


Several federated churches appealed to the motive of 
loyalty to the interests of their own form of church union. 


BENEVOLENCES 245 


For example, the chairman of an executive committee of a 
certain federated church included in his annual letter to the 
members of the congregation the following sentence: “It iS 
of great importance to our plan of organization [that is, to 
federation] just now that we meet our denominational ex- 
pectations in a reasonable fashion and gain the confidence of 
those who are over us.” This church included the amount of 
the combined apportionments in the budget; and when the 
amount contributed fell below the apportionment, the church 
raised the sum by borrowing money. 

A comparable loyalty to the undenominational community 
church was found effective by several of these organizations 
in raising money for their local welfare program. The 
minister of one church said of his people: “They feel that 
making the Community Church go is their mission work 
more than is any other line. For that reason, they turn more 
money toward local work. They have turned their faces 
toward the future and are winning out.” 


ADOPTION OF FIELDS AND WORKERS 


A strong undenominational church after several experi- 
ments decided to appeal to personal interest and to the sense 
of obligation for meeting responsibilities once assumed, by 
adopting specific fields, the church paying the salary of 
particular workers. This method was of course not peculiar 
to united churches; but reference to it is made here because 
for that church, and in a minor degree for a number of other 
united churches, it formed a happy solution for the difficulties 
of united churches regarding benevolences. This church 
adopted a Congregational mission in China and a Methodist 
southern mountain school ; and in these fields the church and 
its auxiliaries paid the salaries of individual workers and 
students. Through the Baptist State Convention the church 
paid the home-missionary appropriation for two weak Bap- 
tist churches in its county. In its own community the church 
aided two foreign-language churches, helping one of them 
regularly through its own board. 

From workers on the distant fields the church received 


246 UNITED CHURCHES 


frequent letters; and not only were these read at church 
services, but striking extracts were circulated among the 
households by means of a parish letter. Interest was further 
stimulated through the use of pictures, bulletins and curios. 
On several occasions a worker supported by the church ad- 
dressed the congregation. The new policy resulted in a gain 
over the record of the previous year of 40 per cent. in the 
amount contributed, and of 75 per cent. in the number of 
subscribers through envelopes, which that year rose to 219. 

In considering the small achievement of united churches 
in the field of benevolences, two facts must be taken into 
consideration. The first is that the movement toward local- 
church union was so new that there had been time neither to 
develop principles and programs, nor to perfect methods. 
The other is this: that the tentative principles and methods 
observed in 1924 had been evolved in great measure by 
isolated churches and ministers, largely without the advice 
of ecclesiastical experts and with little Opportunity for con- 
ference with one another. ; 


SUMMARY 


While united churches were centering their attention 
chiefly on objective problems connected with organization, 
property, benevolences and the like, the elements of diverse 
origins thus working together were developing new attitudes. 
A considerable number of united churches acquired a feeling 
of unity that was manifested in more closely knit forms of 
organization, and even by the pooling of their respective 
properties and the preparation of a common house of wor- 
ship. They developed a sense of responsibility for their re- 
spective communities that had been lacking in the days of 
divided and competitive effort, Their members acquired a 
spirit of interdenominationalism which led them to avail 
themselves of devices for religious and missionary education 
from many denominational and interdenominational sources, 
and to distribute their contributions to missions through 
several denominational agencies. 


PART IV 
ADJUSTMENTS 





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PART IV: ADJUSTMENTS 


Chapter XVI 
ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 


The development of united churches, their variations, and 
the problems they confronted have been described in the 
foregoing chapters solely from the point of view of the 
united churches themselves. But these churches made their 
appearance in a world where the religious forces were al- 
ready organized, and where religious procedure was to a 
great extent standardized. The final section of this book 
will show what means were taken by denominations on the 
one hand, and by interdenominational agencies on the other 
to coordinate the new phenomena with the established 
order. The present chapter will be devoted to the efforts 
toward this adjustment that were made by the denomina- 
tions. 


THE SITUATION 


It is necessary at the outset to see clearly why the rise of 
united churches occasioned difficulties for the denominations. 

Denominations have existed separately for hundreds of 
years, during which time standardized forms of church or- 
ganization have developed and machinery has been perfected 
for supervising the churches, for training ministers to care 
for them, and for bringing churches and ministers together. 
Before united churches were so much as thought of, the de- 
nominations had established missions in various part of the 
world, had equipped them with expensive buildings and had 
manned them with trained workers ; and these extensive mis- 
sionary enterprises could not be carried on without regular 


contributions from the churches. 
249 


250 UNITED CHURCHES 


And then, suddenly, the local churches of one denomina- 
tion began to unite with those of one or more other denomi- 
nations. Difficulties arose at once. Since the denominations 
had developed independently of one another, their manifold 
complicated machinery could not easily be adjusted to inter- 
lock. They suffered serious inconvenience in many ways. 

For the laymen and leaders of each denomination, the be- 
liefs, practices, constitution and world-wide program of that 
denomination had naturally become accepted realities built 
into the whole structure of their thoughts. This fact was 
well illustrated by an action taken in 1920 by the Presbyterian ~ 
General Assembly in response to a “request in behalf of a 
federated church to extend rights. . . . to non-Presbyterian 
church members, . . .” The recommendation adopted was 
“that inasmuch as the granting of this request would involve 
unconstitutional action, no action be taken.” Up to 1926 the 
constitution had not been changed to permit of action of the 
kind indicated. 

Denominational spirit was particularly strong among de- 
nominational superintendents. One of these officials ex- 
plained this somewhat as follows: “To strengthen Methodist 
churches is my work, my life.” Another said, “I am paid to 
build up Baptist churches. It is my duty to do it, and my 
conscience is in favor of it.” Each of these men, however, 
along with his devotion to the interests of his own denomina- 
tion, had a sense of the great need in small, divided com- 
munities of uniting the religious forces. One of them said, 
“I try to think of the interests of the Church of Christ in 
general” ; and the other was cooperating with other superin- 
tendents of his area in the formation and supervision of 
federated churches. But for many superintendents denomi- 
national interests remained supreme. Because without un- 
derstanding their denominational loyalty it would be impos- 
sible to appreciate the policies of such men in relation to 
united churches, extracts from two characteristic letters, re- 
ceived in the course of this study from denominational super- 
intendents of the Middle West, will be quoted here. The 
first is as follows: 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 251 


We have one or two denominational churches that are claim- 
ing to be Community Churches, but they are and of necessity 
must be Denominational to get anywhere. It is our sincerest 
belief that no church is now or can be more capable of taking 
care of the religious needs of [the state] than the one I serve. 
I am as liberal as any in my attitude to other Churches and feel 
most kindly to all but while the “fad” for Consolidation may be 
necessary for other Denominations, it is not for the Methodist. 
I am out and out a denominationalist but I trust wholly free from 
Sectarianism. 


The other superintendent wrote: 


As I understand, the so-called community churches are simply 
a new denomination formed on the basis of the surrender of 
intelligent conviction concerning the teaching of the Scriptures 
and the nature of church organization and what it takes to con- 
stitute a church. Our Baptist people, therefore, are not inter- 
ested in the various and sundry efforts to wipe out denominational 
lines and to belittle intelligent conviction concerning the teach- 
ings of the Scriptures. If at any time, anywhere, you should 
happen to find people who call themselves Baptists entering into 
movements for the organization of “Community Churches” you 
may know that they are uninformed concerning the fundamental 
beliefs of their denomination and are, therefore, not real Baptists. 


When a denominational official to whom his denomination 
was the paramount reality, was confronted by a church that 
desired to unite with a church of another denomination, he 
naturally thought first of how such an event might endanger 
the welfare of the whole denomination, including its over- 
head machinery and its missionary enterprises. What was 
most real to him in the local situation was the denominational 
church, partly for its own sake, but still more as a necessary 
unit in the whole great denominational organism. When the 
local people talked of stopping waste and competition and of 
providing united and efficient service for the community as a 
whole, he regarded as a sign of narrowness their failure to 
appreciate large outside denominational interests; and he 
could not know that they in their turn ascribed his failure to 
sympathize with their desires to another kind of narrow- 
ness—that of sectarianism. 

A favorable attitude toward union on the part of denomi- 
national leaders was most common, first, in sections where 


252 UNITED CHURCHES 


denominational spirit had most markedly declined, and sec- 
ondly, in districts where decline of rural communities had 
endangered not merely the well-being but even the existence 
of churches in competitive situations. The two conditions 
were often found together. 

United churches occasioned overhead authorities the most 
embarrassment by the problems arising in their formative 
period; by those relating to organization and administration ; 
and by problems having to do with property the title to 
which was held by overhead bodies; with ministerial supply ; 
with supervision; with home-mission aid; with denomina- 
tional statistics; and with benevolences. 

Denominational problems and policies in relation to prop- 
erty have already been discussed. How these other problems 
affected the denominations, and what measures the denomi- 
nations consequently adopted will now be considered. 

The denominational agencies that were affected by the rise 
of united churches, and that took action concerning them, 
were of three kinds: legislative, supervisory and benevolent. 
The legislative agencies consisted of representative bodies 
both national and sectional—assemblies, conferences and the 
like. Supervisory agencies included not only the denomina- 
tional superintendents directly in charge of the local churches, 
but any higher sectional officials, such as bishops, that had a 
part in determining policies put into effect by the superin- 
tendents. The benevolent agencies included both those sup- 
plementing ministers’ salaries and those helping to finance 
the erection of buildings. 


ATTITUDES TowarD UNION 


Policies relating to the union of churches were formally 
adopted by a number of ecclesiastical legislative assemblies, 
sectional for some denominations, national for others. 
These policies were along the following general lines: 

Opposition to union of any kind. 

Advocacy of the denominational form of union exclu- 
sively. ; 

Encouragement of the denominational type of union where 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 253 


feasible, combined with acceptance of the federated church 
where union could be accomplished only in that form, and 
opposition to the undenominational church, 

Encouragement of union in any form acceptable to the 
local people. 


OPPOSITION TO UNION OF ANY KIND 


The first policy, that of opposing all forms of union, while 
standing for the strictly denominational church, is well illus- 
- trated by the following resolutions, passed in 1922 by a sec- 
tional executive board: 


Whereas, the officers and employees of the [state] Baptist 
Convention are frequently called upon for advice as to the wis- 
dom of organizing what is known as a “federated” church, or of 
advising the combination under some name of a Baptist Church 
with a church or churches of other denominations, 

Now, therefore, in order that the officers and employees of the 
[state] Baptist Convention may be guided in the performance 
of their duties, it is ; 

Resolved: That, while we fully recognize our interdenomina- 
tional responsibilities and the real value of codperative Christian 
effort, we re-affirm our conviction that as Baptists we have a dis- 
tinctive message and mission, and that the ideals for which we 
stand and the goals for which we seek can never be realized in 
their highest form when worshiping and working (in the close 
and intimate combination in a single church) with others who 
do not share our views, possess our ideals, or seek our goals. It 
is further 

Resolved: That all officers and employees of the [state] Baptist 
Convention are requested to comply with the spirit of these 
resolutions. 


Where such a policy was formally adopted, local churches 
could hope for no assistance from denominational officials 
in uriting with neighboring churches of other denominations. 


RECOGNITION ONLY OF THE DENOMINATIONAL UNITED 
CHURCH 


The policy most commonly adopted by denominational leg- 
islative assemblies was support of the denominational united 
church as the only acceptable form of union. This attitude 
as regards unchurched communities, for example, was for- 


254 UNITED CHURCHES 


mally adopted by the Presbyterian General Assembly of 
1924 as follows: 


- +. In the organization of a church in a community where 
there is no adequate support for several denominations, it is 
desirable to choose a church relation acceptable to the majority 
(as nearly as possible to all), and to hold to that denomination 
definitely and specifically—minister and people.1 


Undenominational churches were opposed by almost all 
denominational leaders. The attitude of these men was not 
a mere result of denominational spirit. They had seen many 
weak undenominational churches turn for rescue to denomi- 
nations, and they had watched others fall into inactivity. 
Many of them distrusted federated churches, too. 

Among the denominations chiefly represented in local 
unions the right to serve as a denominational community 
church was conceded in most of the states; and such a 
church was protected from competition through three differ- 
ent means: comity agreements, the exchange of fields and 
allocation. Allocation, the assignment of new fields as yet 
without churches to specific denominations by mutual agree- 
ment, since it was usually arranged by interdenominational 
agencies such as state home-missions councils, will receive 
consideration in the following chapter, which will be devoted 
to the relationships of united churches to state interdenomi- 
national agencies. Comity agreements were also extensively 
arranged and enforced by interdenominational agencies; but 
they had also been established in certain cases through formal 
compacts between denominations as represented by legislative 
assemblies. Such compacts existed, for example, between 
the northern and the southern Presbyterians and the north- 
ern and the southern Methodists. Principles of comity thus 
adopted included provisions that neither of the contracting 
parties should plant a church in territory belonging to the 
other. In some states an informal understanding to the same 
effect existed between Congregational and Presbyterian over- 
head agencies. 


1 Minutes, 1924, p. 63. 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 255 


Exchange of Fields 


The policy of exchange of fields, which originated with 
the Maine Interdenominational Commission, provided that 
exclusive right to a field and to local church property should 
be surrendered in one locality by denomination A to denomi- 
nation B, the latter making a corresponding surrender to A 
in another community. This plan was favored by denomina- 
tional superintendents in many sections. They considered it 
“fair,” and said that it gave a basis for opening negotiations. 
When they were pressed for examples of successful ex- 
change, however, they made replies of which the following, 
quoted from a letter by a denominational superintendent in 
the far West, is typical. 


The superintendents all favor exchange of fields, but it seems 
very hard to work out a program, because of the many elements 
which enter into the problem. If superintendents arrange an 
exchange, the controlling elements, represented by a bishop in 
some types of organization, and the people in others, frequently 
do not concur. 


Methodist overhead authorities often found it difficult to 
find comparable fields for exchange within the same super- 
visory district; and this they desired because otherwise the 
church retained would be in the territory of one district su- 
perintendent, and the church resigned—with the consequent 
loss in credit and indirectly in salary—would be suffered by 
another. A merger of a Methodist church in a Congrega- 
tional church, for example, was held up three years while 
the respective overhead authorities sought an opportunity of 
exchanging the Methodist property under conditions agree- 
able to all parties, for comparable Congregational property. 
Finally the local people bought the Methodist building from 
the conference, and the consolidation was effected without 
exchange. 

Not only did overhead denominational authorities find it 
difficult, when attempting to agree upon exchanges, to recon- 
cile their own respective interests, but after they had agreed 
upon an exchange, they found it very hard to get it accepted 
by local church leaders. The fact that the local leaders were 


256 UNITED CHURCHES 


considering union implied independence both in thought and 
in action. The idea of being “swapped alive,” as they often 
called it, was very obnoxious to them. It made them feel 
that the overhead authorities looked upon them as a tyrant 
regards his serfs. After a meeting of a county council of 
churches, at which an attempt was made to effectuate eight 
exchanges, the local representatives of the churches in ques- 
tion expressed themselves as disgusted with what seemed to 
them a dickering, selfish spirit. One of them wrote, “It was 
like a horse trade”; and his further expressions showed that 
he had received a new light upon the denominational super- ~ 
visors. 

A careful search for successful exchanges resulted in 
finding very few.” In one so-called exchange, it proved that 
the denomination surrendering one of the fields had held — 
there neither a church organization nor any property, but had 
merely intended to develop work. While commending the 
principle of exchange, a certain superintendent acknowl- 
edged that in his state his denominational overhead had ar- 
ranged only one exchange of fields with another denomina- 
tion, and that even in that instance the arrangement had 
been accepted by the local people in but one of the two com- 
munities concerned. | 

In Vermont there had been a number of exchanges of 
property; but this property had as a rule belonged to dead 
or inactive churches. A considerable number of so-called 
exchanges in Vermont, moreover, concerned pairs of fed- 
erated churches, one of which agreed to take all its ministers 
from one of the two denoniinations, the other to take all its 
ministers from the other denomination. Arrangements of 
this kind were regarded by the superintendents as transition 
stages, acceptable locally, toward denominational united 
churches in the future. 

Even of this Vermont form of exchange, however, com- 
paratively easy though it was for local people to accept, one 
of the superintendents advocating it wrote with caution as 
follows: 


_2 Reports were received of exchanges in two states that were not 
visited ; but these there was no means of verifying. 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 257 


It is too early yet to do much bragging about it. Some feder- 
ations were tried before the people were ready for them. They 
cannot be effected simply by two superintendents meeting behind 
a roll top desk and “swapping churches.”” The members must be 
consulted and sentiment must cement the union, else the tie soon 
sunders. 


ASSISTANCE IN FormMING UNIONS 


Many denominational superintendents had been asked for 
help by local churches wishing to enter into unions. If 
the form of union desired was a denominational united 
church of their own denomination, the officials naturally 
rendered assistance unless such action involved a breach of 
comity with the other denomination or denominations in- 
volved. But since the places where agitation for union was 
most intense were in general those already having competing 
churches, union was frequently almost impossible except 
through the compromise between denominations afforded by 
federation, or through the abandonment, temporarily at least, 
of all denominational connections to join forces as unde- 
nominational churches. In many sections such unions were 
effectuated, if at all, without the help of denominational su- 
perintendents. 

To local churches desiring to federate, however, superin- 
tendents of one or more denominations regularly in New 
England and sometimes in other states rendered assistance 
of various kinds either as individuals or in informal codpera- 
tion. In New England, indeed, most superintendents not 
only gave assistance, but frequently took the initiative in 
suggesting union. This they did either by informal agree- 
ment among the officials of the denominations involved, 
through a denominational committee on federation—as at 
one time by the Massachusetts Congregational Conference 
—or through an interdenominational organization. This 
chapter will be concerned only with the official actions of 
denominational superintendents, a considerable number of 
whom, realizing the straits of weak churches in competing 
fields, definitely urged them to federate with neighboring 
churches. 

Another form of assistance rendered by these men in the 


258 UNITED CHURCHES 


period of inception was the furnishing of model forms of 
articles. The forms were provided in part by interdenomi- 
national agencies in not fewer than four of the New Eng- 
Jand states and three states outside New England. These 
forms usually avoided features common with early federa- 
tions but believed by the superintendents to be blunders which 
churches without guidance might easily repeat. They safe- 
guarded the entity of denominational units and included 
provisions—for example, regarding ministers and benevo- 
lences—that fitted into denominational arrangements. They 
often provided also for denominational supervision at critical 
junctures. According to one form, the signatures of the dis- 
trict superintendents concerned were required for the ratifi- 
cation of the articles; according to another, in case of dis- 
agreement within the united church the matter was to be 
referred to the district superintendents, with or without as- 
sistance, for arbitration. 


ORGANIZATION AND ADMINISTRATION 


Two of the denominations most commonly represented in 
unions of churches, the Methodist Episcopal and the Presby- 
terian in the U.S.A., had at the same time strong overhead 
authority and standardized forms of local-church govern- 
ment. Therefore, when churches of these denominations 
combined with churches either of the other denomination, 
or of a denomination whose churches were self-governing, 
problems arose for denominational leaders. 

How Presbyterian authorities regard the government of a 
federated church by a joint committee, the arrangement al- 
most universal for united churches of this type, was well 
illustrated in the Minutes of the General Assembly for 1920.8 
Here the following charge was made against a federated 
church: 


... The session... has surrendered its powers of control 
over church worship, work and teaching. By the Form of 
Government, Chapter 9, Section 7, the session is given and 
charged with the duty to exercise exclusive authority over the 


3 P. 88. 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 259 


worship of the congregation. The session violated this provision 
relating to its exclusive authority by surrendering it to the 
federated committee, a body over which it has no control. 


The Permanent Judicial Committee, to which the case had 
been referred, held that the union “‘is not in fact a federation, 
nor a codperation, but is a combination of the Presbyterian 
and Congregational Churches.” For this, among other rea- 
sons, the desire of a minority that the federation should be 
dissolved was granted by the General Assembly. 
The federation in question was in a city; but the same at- 
titude had been observed toward town and country federated 
churches including a Presbyterian unit. In one such in- 
stance a federation of Presbyterian and Methodist units was 
governed by a common council, and both Presbyterian ses- 
sion and Methodist advisory board had been allowed to 
lapse, and not an elder was left among the resident members. 
Overhead influence restored the denominational machinery 
of both units. These, however, did not function, except in 
receiving denominational members, the real government of 
the federated church being still transacted by the joint 
agency. 

A policy in respect to united churches of their own de- 
nomination not uncommon among Methodist supervisory offi- 
cials is illustrated in an extract from the annual report of 
a district superintendent: 


A few members of the church, well intentioned, sincere, but 
unmethodistic in some of their ideas of church life and work, 
have for years modified and limited church activities and worship 
to fit their unmethodistic ideas . . . Reasonable doses of our dis- 
cipline, kindly and firmly administered by the pastor, became 
unbearable. Their opposition to forms of church work sug- 
gested by our discipline became serious; their prayers became 
cudgels. Something had to be done... . 

Those composing the faction were urged to remain members 
of the church and attend its services on the simple condition that 
they cease their opposition to those activities that are com- 
manded by our discipline. They refused. They were asked by 
the superintendent to withdraw in the disciplinary way. They 
did. Ten members withdrew.* 


4 Official Journal, Vermont Conference, Methodist Episcopal Church, 
1913, Pp. 51. 


260 UNITED CHURCHES 


Despite the denominational spirit exhibited by denomina- 
tional officials in such cases as these, there were in 1924 
seventy-seven Presbyterian units and 178 Methodist units 
enlisted in surviving federations, Thirty-three of these fed- 
erations included both Methodist and Presbyterian units. 
Many of the federations including either or both denomina- 
tions were ascertained to be functioning smoothly under a 
joint executive committee. 


MINISTERIAL SUPPLY 


The denominations in general had none too many good 
ministers. To obtain and to hold an adequate force of 
competent men, they had spent large sums to provide their 
preachers training, supervision and fellowship; and some had 
established pension systems at great expense. The Methodist 
Episcopal Church, in particular, had a carefully adjusted sys- 
tem of charges and ministers, in accordance with which, 
theoretically, no church lacks a minister and no minister a 
church. Therefore they naturally found the formation of 
united churches particularly inconvenient for the following 
reasons: 

Some consolidations meant the loss of a Methodist charge; 
federated churches often provided that their ministers should 
come alternately from the denominations concerned; and 
united churches of almost any kind were likely to end pas- 
torates without regard to the time of conference, when 
Methodist ministers are changed. 

The leaders of many united churches, moreover, espe- 
cially of those having elements of denominations accustomed 
to choosing their own ministers, often objected to having 
their minister appointed for them. The difficulty was fre- 
quently got around by friendly consultation beforehand, re- 
sulting in the appointment of a man acceptable to the church. 
But this was not always the case. Insistence by the over- 
head sometimes resulted in revolt on the part of the local 
people. For example, a certain church that had asked Con- 
ference to send them a particular minister was refused the 
man of their choice and given another. This man they re- 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 261 


fused to accept. The church became wholly undenomina- 
tional and the minister of their choice transferred his stand- 
ing to another denomination and accepted their call. An- 
other union originally intended as a federation of Congrega- 
tional and Methodist units, owing to Methodist insistence on 
the right of appointing a minister, became a consolidated 
Congregational church. Considering all these difficulties, it 
is not surprising that Methodist overhead authorities some- 
times refused ministers to united churches except on their 
own terms; sometimes failed to send their best men; and in 
other cases, after assigning a good man to a united church, 
sent him elsewhere after a brief term of service. 

On the other hand, because a Methodist Conference could 
always send a minister on request, certain undenominational 
churches and some federated churches with or without a 
Methodist Episcopal element, after having difficulty in ob- 
taining good ministers, asked Methodist conferences to ap- 
point ministers to serve them. At least some of these ap- 
peals were granted. 

For several of the denominations concerned in unions the 
choice of minister was regularly treated as a private matter 
between minister and church, the denominational superin- 
tendents being willing to advise but claiming no right to dic- 
tate. Most of these denominations enacted no legislation on 
the subject. The Presbyterian General Assembly, however, 
took action on several matters connected with ministers. A 
summary of this legislation is given in the Minutes of the 
General Assembly for 1924.° 


The Assembly recognized the power of the Presbytery to 
carry forward the installation of a Presbyterian minister in a 
federated church and also its power to enroll the pastor of such 
a church where he belongs to another denomination, being en- 
rolled by the Presbytery as a corresponding member... . 

The Assembly of 1921, cf. Minutes, I, 197, declined to take 
action empowering an evangelical minister, not a Presbyterian, 
to act as moderator of the Session in a federated church... . 


5 Part I, p. 62. 


262 UNITED CHURCHES 


SUPERVISION 


Denominational superintendents gave to united churches 
of the denominational type the usual amount of denomina- 
tional supervision, and perhaps more, on account of their 
unusual opportunities and problems. For undenominational 
churches they normally undertook no responsibility. Their 
attitude toward federated churches varied with the region, 
with the policy of their national and sectional bodies, and 
with the individual superintendent. The supervision of 
federated churches, moreover, involved peculiar difficulties. 
Therefore, it needs especial attention here. 


SUPERVISION OF FEDERATED CHURCHES 


One kind of difficulties resulted from the fact that two 
or more denominational superintendents were in charge of 
units of a single federated church. Some superintendents 
held back because they feared encroaching on the field of 
another. Sometimes superintendents lacked confidence in 
one another, 

A second difficulty mentioned by denominational superin- 
tendents in many places resulted from the distrust felt to- 
ward them by local-church leaders. This lack of confidence 
sometimes resulted from reports of opposition by the offi- 
cials toward other unions or projected unions, sometimes 
from opposition to their own union on the part of previous 
denominational superintendents, sometimes from a convic- 
tion—which might or might not have been justified—that the 
superintendent in question set the welfare of his denomina- 
tion above that of their own community, so that he would use 
his influence to swing the federated church as a whole into 
the ranks of his own denomination. The constitution of one 
federated church even provided that the denominational su- 
perintendents of the three denominations represented should 
so far as practicable make them an equal number of visits 
a year. 

Still another condition that for some denominations ren- 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 263 


dered difficult the supervision of federated churches was the 
fact that the government of the federated church by a joint 
committee afforded no regular machinery through which 
a denominational superintendent could exert his authority. 
For example, if a federated church had a Methodist unit, the 
quarterly conference, presided over by the district superin- 
tendent, at which local-church issues had formerly been 
decided, was superseded at union by a joint executive com- 
mittee. The first time the denominational superintendent 
was expected to visit a certain federated church, for instance, 
the minister tried to collect a Methodist advisory board to 
meet him, but the occasion was not fruitful, so that after- 
wards he had the superintendent meet the joint executive 
committee. In dealing with mixed groups, Methodist de- 
nominational superintendents naturally could not exert their 
former authority. The superintendents of other denomina- 
tions felt restrictions of a similar sort, though not to the same 
degree. 

A fourth difficulty of the denominational superintendents, 
perhaps the most serious of all, was that many of these men 
did not understand the problems of federated churches or 
know the solutions of these problems that older federations 
had reached through experience. Many denominational su- 
perintendents, therefore, had no belief in federation and 
found it uncongenial to supervise a federated church. 

Where these four difficulties were most strongly felt, the 
official supervision of units of federated churches was rarely 
exercised, and when exercised was frequently used to re- 
place federation by separation or by consolidation. 

Nevertheless, many denominational superintendents showed 
a strong interest in federated churches and did much to 
foster them. Three denominational superintendents con- 
nected with churches considering union in a certain com- 
munity bid them Godspeed, one of them saying, “If you 
people have enough Christianity to carry this through, I wish 
you success.” Three superintendents in another state, at the 
request of the three churches of different denominations in a 
small village, took the official steps looking toward federation 
and selected the first minister for the federated church. 


264 UNITED CHURCHES 


Several other denominational superintendents whose courses 
had been condemned by the people of united churches were 
shown later to have had reasons and to have taken steps that 
the local people had misunderstood. 


Home-Mtisstion Arp 
POLICIES 


In their use of home-mission aid in connection with united 
churches, denominational agencies and officials employed 
three contrasting policies: 

Economy of home-mission funds, through refusing in 
some sections to aid federated churches, and almost invari- 
ably to aid undenominational churches. 

The fostering, through home-missionary grants, of young 
united churches of the denominational type, and in some 
sections of federated churches. 

Opposition to united churches of al] types except the de- 
nominational through grants of aid to other churches in the 
same communities with united churches. 


SOURCES OF INFORMATION 


The generalizations presented below will be based on two 
kinds of evidence: first, statements as to denominational 
policy either drawn from denominational publications or ob- 
tained privately from individual officials ; and, secondly, 
Statistics as to sums actually distributed by home-missionary 
boards, derived in part from figures published in denomina- 
tional reports and in part from denominational officials. 

The statistical study of home-mission aid was limited to 
that granted by four denominations—Baptist, Northern Con- 
vention, Congregational, Methodist Episcopal and Presbyte- 
rian in the U.S.A.—to which belonged a large majority of 
the churches entering unions, 

For the Congregational churches that later became parts 
of united churches, complete information was available as 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 265 


to how many had received aid the year before union; be- 
cause in the Congregational Year-Book a certain symbol is 
prefixed to all figures for the salaries paid ministers receiv- 
ing home-mission grants. For all but a very few Congrega- 
tional churches, moreover, the amount of the aid given was 
obtained either from the published reports of state missionary 
agencies, or from denominational officials, state or national. 

Similar data for Baptist churches were obtained from the 
annuals of state conventions publishing such facts and, for 
the churches of a few states, from the officials of the corre- 
sponding conventions. Since the conventions not publishing 
figures for home-mission aid did not as a rule include many 
churches combined in unions, information was lacking for 
only thirteen Baptist churches. 

The information available for Methodist churches was less 
nearly complete. Since most conferences formerly published 
detailed figures for home-mission aid, the fact and amount 
of aid before union were ascertained for most Metho- 
dist churches that became parts of early combinations. But 
as many conferences ceased to publish this information at 
dates ranging between 1912 and 1920, amounts received from 
agencies connected with conferences (as distinct from the 
Centenary) were ascertained for the year before union for 
only 133 of 275 churches. Information as to grants from 
the Centenary, however, beginning with 1920, were received 
from an official source. 

For Presbyterian churches, information as to aid, also 
from an official source, covered sixty-five churches, or about 
half the total number. 


SAVING OF HOME-MISSION AID 
Number of Churches Aided 


Of the Congregational, Baptist, Methodist and Presby- 
terian churches that later became parts of united churches, 
it was ascertained for nearly three-fourths whether or not 
they received aid just before union. Of these three-fourths, 
numbering about 600 churches, 166 were granted aid just 


266 UNITED CHURCHES 


before union. ‘These aided churches included about one- 
seventh of the Congregational churches; at least one-fifth 
of the Methodist churches; a fifth of the Presbyterian 
churches ; and more than one-fourth of the Baptist churches. 
Since it is probable that some of the churches for which in- 
formation was not obtained also received aid, the true pro- 
portions for the last three denominations are almost cer- 
tainly still higher. 

Thirty-six additional churches that were either not aided 
during the year before union, or for which definite informa- 
tion for that year was lacking, had been aided within ten 
years before union. The inclusion of these churches in the 
number of churches aided would raise the minimum propor- 
tion of churches belonging to all four denominations that — 
were aided to about one-fourth. Since 20 per cent. of the 
town and country churches in the Twenty-five Counties re- 
ceived aid, the churches that later united had received aid 
in a somewhat higher proportion of cases than was usual. : 

In twenty communities, each of two churches that later 
united had received aid; and in one of these communities 
three such churches had received aid. Here not merely 
was home-mission aid given to competitive churches, but in 
nineteen communities two denominations, and in one com- 
munity three denominations, had competed in giving aid. 


Saving in Money Distributed 


The partial information secured shows that at least ninety- 
three churches aided the year before union were no longer 
aided in 1923-1924;° and that the total granted these 
churches in the year before each entered a united church 
was $14,582. Moreover, since increase in the cost of living 
had led the denominational boards to raise the average 
amounts by which they augmented salaries, if these churches 
had still been receiving aid, the total amount expended upon 
them might easily have been even higher. 

For a considerable number of Presbyterian churches, the 


6 Unless a few Methodist churches not aided by Centenary received aid 
from agencies connected with conferences. 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 267 


amounts granted just before union were ascertained and also 
the total amount applied to each church. Twelve churches, 
aid to which stopped at union, had been subsidized for an 
average of twenty-four years, eight having received aid for 
more than twenty years and one for forty-seven years. Since 
the total sum that had been expended on these churches was 
$58,749, these few cases of union had resulted in no small 
economy of home-mission funds. Though for the other de- 
nominations parallel figures could not be obtained, it was 
learned that among the churches of each denomination that 
had entered into unions, there had been a considerable num- 
ber that had likewise received aid over long periods. 


FOSTERING UNITED CHURCHES THROUGH GRANTS 


To seventy-four of the united churches about which it was 
possible to secure information, denominational home-mission 
boards distributed during the year 1923-24 a total of $15,- 
267.75. In addition, thirty-five churches not aided in that 
year had been aided at some previous time since union. 

Furthermore, aid was given in 1923-24 to twenty-eight 
united churches none of the elements of which had received 
aid before union. Of these churches eleven, distributed in 
all regions, were of the denominational type of union. The 
other seventeen were units of fifteen federated churches, all 
but three of which were in the Northern Colonial area. The 
aid given them after union was presumably intended to 
foster them as units of federated churches. The total 
amount given them in 1923-24 was $2,832, the average grant 
per federation being $189. 

Overhead authorities of a few denominations had in some 
sections adopted the policy of aiding united churches in their 
early years to enable them to get a good start. A few de- 
nominational superintendents in New England employed a 
promise of aid as an inducement to persuade struggling 
churches in competitive situations to federate or to consoli- 
date. In a certain state where this policy was favored, the 
denomination that granted most aid to federated churches in 
that territory had given $916 to four of its churches in the 


268 UNITED CHURCHES 


year before union, and gave three of the same churches a 
total of $1,150 after they had become units of federations. 

Since denominational bodies, as represented both by their 
legislative assemblies and by their salaried officials, gen- 
erally regarded the community church of the denomina- 
tional type with more favor than other types of united 
churches, it was to be expected that churches of that kind 
would receive more home-missionary money. Yet of the 
churches that were known to have been aided in 1923-24, 
only twenty-one were denominational churches, while fifty- 
one units of forty-five federated churches were aided. Fur- 
thermore, while the amount given to the federated churches 
was $8,118, that applied to denominational united churches 
was only $6,350. Moreover, $2,795 of the last-mentioned 
sum was granted to churches that had already been aided to 
the amount of $2,088 just before union, so that not much 
more than half the total can be considered as given pri-. 
marily to foster the denominational united church. 

At least six federated churches received aid in 1923-24 
from the agencies of two different denominations, which thus 
cooperated in giving these churches in their early days a 
better minister than they could otherwise have afforded. 
Congregational agencies were concerned in all these cases, 
cooperating in three instances with Methodists, in two with 
Baptists and in one with Presbyterians. Moreover, united 
churches in at least two college towns received money from 
two or more denominations for special work for students, 
and a third had been given hope of similar subsidies. 

In addition, two undenominational churches were ascer- 
tained to have received aid, each from a different denomina- 
tional board; and two other churches of this type had been 
promised aid for the ensuing year. 


AID IN COMPETITIVE * SITUATIONS 


It was generally recognized that the giving of aid in com- 
petitive situations was prevalent in many sections and that 
7 The word competitive will be applied in this chapter to town and 


country situations where there are present two or more churches of the . 
-Immersionist or of the predominant type of denominations. 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 269 


it existed in at least scattered communities in almost every 
part of the country. 

Many denominational officials frankly advocated the policy 
of using home-mission money to support weak competitive 
churches, even where there had developed considerable popu- 
lar sentiment for church union. This policy found typical 
expression in the following sentences from a denominational 
state annual : 


Competition often severe, sentiment for federation or unioniz- 
ing movements, the need of better equipment coupled with the 
plea for economy—those and other influences are pressing with 
almost disintegrating effect upon many village churches. Some 
of our smaller groups in country and in village are yielding. 
Within recent years six have disbanded. More than a score of 
others are practically inactive. ... 

These small groups are a part of us and entitled to the finest 
spirit of codperation in their days of struggle....As a de- 
nomination serving the Master in the present and planning for a 
great future we must seek to conserve, revive, continue and 
enlarge our working forces in the open country and the small 
towns.® 


A similar attitude was expressed by a Congregational 
superintendent in 1910 as follows: 


Much has been said about over-churched Mission fields. No 
doubt there are such places, and they are the scandal of Christen- 
dom. But Congregationalists are not sinners above all others in 
this respect. In a large majority of cases, where this objection 
can be urged, we were the pioneers, but other churches crowded 
in, divided the field or perhaps are taking it entirely away from 
us. We have been quite too willing to abandon a field because 
adverse winds were blowing against us, while other denomina- 
tions “fought to win the prize.” 9 


In some cases home-mission aid was used very definitely 
as a means of opposing union. Three churches that had 
been units of federated churches for a time, and had then 
withdrawn, were granted aid afterwards. Again, several 
churches continuing their activities in competition with 
united churches to which they had lost a considerable pro- 
portion of members also received aid. In two cases the aid 


8 Baptist Annual, Kansas, 1924, p. 36. 
9 Congregational Annual for Iowa, 1910, p. 90. 


270 UNITED CHURCHES 


was of the usual kind—that is, it was given to supplement 
salary. Another church was furnished $1,500 to assist it to 
erect a community house, half this sum coming from the 
national building society and half from a state agency. The 
money was supplied for the express purpose of enabling the 
church to compete with the united church, which was un- 
denominational. 

After studying the local conditions and the local people, 
more than one denominational superintendent opposed to 
competition and in charge of a territory where a weak 
church in a competitive situation had received aid for many 
years, expressed the opinion that the situation presented a 
serious problem. “They will not unite: like Job’s com- 
forters,” said one, “they will curse us and die.” Another 
expressed his perplexity in these words: “To punch the 
thing in the head is criminal; to keep giving aid is criminal, 
too.” Many superintendents felt that suddenly to cut off 
customary aid, through closing the church doors, would 
mean that some of the church people would be entirely with- 
out religious influences, and that others would be attracted 
by emotional forms of religion, which they considered 
harmful. 

On the other hand, not a few sectional organizations, such 
as conferences or state conventions, adopted the policy of 
refusing grants to competitive churches. Others refused aid 
except where some denomination not recognizing comity 
obligations had entered the field later than their own church. 
Still others refused it except where some special condition 
made them feel that an exception was justified, as, where a 
grant would make possible a resident minister in a com- 
munity otherwise without any. One denominational super- 
intendent reported that the policy of refusing aid to any 
church in a competitive situation had been followed by his 
denominational state organization for twenty years. | 

Some denominational leaders, indeed, believed in refus- 
ing aid to all competitive churches for the express purpose 
of furthering union. Such a policy was advocated in the 
following extract from the letter of a denominational super- 
intendent : | 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 271 


“It looks as if starvation was about the only way to bring 
about union. The absolute refusal of Home Missionary boards 
to give any money to the weaker churches in competitive work, 
and the refusal of Church Building boards to put any money into 
the erection of competitive buildings, when adequate housing for 
the religious needs is already available, seems to be the only way 
out of this perplexity. 


DENOMINATIONAL STATISTICS 


The task of denominational statisticians, always difficult, 
was complicated by the rise of united churches. The figures 
for united churches of the denominational type, including 
affiliated churches, to be sure, presented no difficulty except 
that some of them had besides the reported membership a 
roll of associate members not included in denominational 
totals. The ministers of these churches, being for the most 
part of the same denomination as their churches, were 
accustomed to the usages of the denomination; and this was 
frequently, though not always, true of clerks and treasurers. 

Federated churches, on the contrary, occasioned many 
irregularities in statistics. To begin with, each of the 
643 denominational units of the more than 300 federated 
churches was entered as a separate church in the statistical 
tables of the respective denominations—although it took two 
and sometimes three such units to make the entity that en- 
gaged the minister, conducted the services of the church and 
performed all other local activities. The number of the 
units, instead of the number of the united churches, was 
therefore included in the total numbers of churches for the 
denomination, and also in the grand total of churches in the 
United States published in the Year Book of the Churches. 

The denominational records included also a considerable 
number of dormant church organizations that had been ab- 
sorbed in undenominational churches, kept on the denomina- 
tional list because they had surviving denominational mem- 
bers, sent small contributions to denominational boards, and 
still held title to denominational property. 

Again, denominational statisticians encountered difficulties 
connected with financial figures. Those of the different 
denominations severally represented in federated churches 


272 UNITED CHURCHES 


expected of the federated church treasurers returns of their 
local-church expenditures. But a large majority of feder- 
ated churches had for all local purposes a joint canvass and 
a common purse. How could the treasurer divide the totals 
among the denominational units? THis difficulties were in- 
creased by the fact that the financial year of no two of the 
four denominations chiefly represented in federated churches 
ended in the same month, and that for two of the four, the 
date varied according to section. Some treasurers frankly 
admitted that in their uncertainty they had returned totals 
for the united church to both or to all the denominations 
represented, explaining the situation. A comparison of de- 
nominational figures with parallel figures obtained through 
surveys showed that a similar duplication was not uncom- 
mon. Moreover, a few churches that had openly severed all 
other denominational ties continued to report to the statis- 
ticians of a denomination, which was sometimes that of the . 
minister. This practice affected not only financial figures, 
but also figures for membership. 

Almost all federated churches had a combined Sunday 
school. Figures for Sunday-school enrollment were called 
for by the statistician of each denomination concerned. The 
enrollment may sometimes have been divided proportion- 
ately between the denominations; but as a general thing the 
total enrollment seemed to have been reported to both. As 
the Sunday schools of united churches were comparatively 
large, the errors in grand totals were so much the more 
significant. 

On the other hand, there were more than a dozen feder- 
ated churches for which denominational statistics furnished 
almost no figures. At one state denominational office it was 
said that the federated churches of that state were irregular 
about reporting their figures. 


BENEVOLENCES 


One of the charges made most confidently by denomi- 
national officials against federated and undenominational 
churches was that they were weak in benevolences. Against 


ADJUSTMENTS BY THE DENOMINATIONS 273 


churches of the denominational type of union they did not 
make the same accusation. The statistics gathered in the 
course of the present study, as has been shown in earlier 
chapters, indicated that united churches of all types were in 
truth comparatively weak in benevolences; but that feder- 
ated churches were stronger than undenominational churches 
and stronger even than denominational united churches. 
Moreover, the contributions of federated churches in 
1923-24 were considerably higher than those of the churches 
combining to form them had been during the year before 
union. The annual gain in dollars to benevolent agencies 
through the formation of 167 federated churches for which 
comparative figures were collected was $43,055. 

A questionnaire sent by the Massachusetts Federation of 
Churches to ministers of federated churches in that state 
drew from a majority the opinion that benevolences had 
fallen off. For the twenty-nine town and country federated 
churches of the state for which statistics were published in 
denominational annuals, the figures for benevolences for the 
year before union and for 1923-24 after union, were tabulated 
with the following results: 

The benevolences of twenty-six of the twenty-nine feder- 
ations had increased, as had those of forty-five of the sixty- 
five denominational units. The total benevolences had more 
than doubled, rising from $5,988 to $13,226; the rate of 
gain being 120.9 per cent. The gain to benevolent agencies 
after federation in town and country areas of Massachusetts 
alone was therefore $7,238.1° This gain was shared by the 
agencies of five denominations. 


CoNCLUSION 


The relationships between denominational agencies and 
united churches were imperfectly adjusted. The movement 
was of recent origin. Each superintendent wrestled with the 
problems of only a few united churches; he did not know 
that similar unions had already sprung up in many hundreds 
of places and were being considered in hundreds of others. 


10 For factors contributing to increase in benevolences, see page 52. 


274 UNITED CHURCHES 


The denominational leaders most interested, however, ex- 
pected that when the movement should be more generally 
understood, the denominations would show their historic 
adaptability by making provision to serve united churches in 
ways suited to their peculiar conditions and needs. 


Chapter XVII 


ADJUSTMENTS BY STATE INTERDENOMINA- 
TIONAL AGENCIES © 


Efforts to coordinate united churches and the existing 
religious order were made by religious leaders, not merely 
in their capacity as representatives of separate denomina- 
tions, but also as members of state interdenominational 
agencies. The present chapter will treat of this kind of 
effort made through state interdenominational agencies, of 
which there were two kinds: federations of churches, and 
smaller agencies composed solely of denominational super- 
-visory officials. 


HISTORY 


To understand the situation of interdenominational agen- 
cies with respect to united churches, it is necessary to know 
how these organizations arose. 

The first interdenominational state organization, the Inter- 
denominational Commission of Maine, grew out of a recog- 
nition of the straits of the churches in small country com- 
munities of Maine where prosperity and population had 
declined. Its first meeting was held in 1890, and it was 
formally organized in 1892. Among its objects as set forth 
in the constitution, the first two were “to promote coopera- 
tion in the organization and operation of churches in Maine” 
and “to prevent waste of resources and effort in small 
towns.” This pioneer organization outlined principles of 
comity that were widely copied, and originated the plan of 
exchange of fields.* 

In Vermont, where the situation closely resembled that 
in Maine, an agency similar in purpose, called the Vermont 
Interdenominational Comity Commission, was formed be- 


1 See p. 255. ave 


276 UNITED CHURCHES 


fore 1900. What it accomplished was told in a leaflet called 
“Church Federation Facts,” published in 1909. This leaflet 
showed how, by eleven different methods, unity had been 
brought about in over sixty communities of the state, mak- 
ing good the claim that at that time “the Green Mountain 
state” was “the leading state in the Union in the use of the 
practical methods of federation, codperation, and comity in 
healing the waste from too often contending churches in 
small communities,” | 

An agency of a different kind, the state federation of 
churches, came into existence about the beginning of the 
present century. The most notable early example was that 
of Massachusetts, organized in 1902. This federation, in- 
stead of being composed like the interdenominational com- 
missions of official representatives of the denominations 
only, functioned through a council consisting of one minis- 
ter and one lay delegate to represent every 10,000 churck- 
members, these delegates being appointed by state denomina- 
tional bodies (or by the corresponding bodies). 

The Connecticut Federation of Churches, patterned after 
the federation in Massachusetts, was organized in 1908 ; and 
similar agencies, some called federations and others councils, 
arose one after another in Pennsylvania, California, Ohio, 
New York and New Jersey. Early in 1926 similar organ- 
izations were being started in Minnesota and in Kansas. 
Several of these had as one of their departments a comity 
commission, the function of which was to prevent or to 
lessen competition. 

Meanwhile additional state associations of denominational 
superintendents had been formed. Agencies of this kind, 
called home-missions councils from the national organiza- 
tion that had fostered them, were established in Colorado, 
western Washington, Utah, Wyoming, Idaho, South Dakota 
and North Dakota. Two others, in Indiana and Oregon, 
had a temporary existence, only to become dormant, as did, 
after some years of action, the Home Missions Council of 
Colorado. Another, following a former state federation that 
had become inactive, was started in Wisconsin in 1923. In 
Massachusetts and in northern California home-missions 


INTERDENOMINATIONAL AGENCIES 277 


councils acted as comity committees in connection with state 
federations. 

Besides these state home-missions councils, similarly con- 
stituted organizations were independently formed in Ver- 
mont, New Hampshire, southern California and Nebraska. 
Early in 1926 another was in process of organization in 
Illinois. In Nevada the few denominations at work, feel- 
ing no need of an organization, carried on similar coopera- 
tion informally. 

Over half of these agencies of both kinds were started 
after the formation in 1919 of the Interchurch World Move- 
ment, which bore witness to an increase in the desire for 
interdenominational codperation and at the same time gave 
new impetus to the codperative movement. 

No state interdenominational agencies of either kind had 
been formed up to 1926 in Iowa, Michigan, Arizona or New 
- Mexico, although an attempt to.organize one had been made 
in Michigan, 

The home-missions councils of the various states included 
only the denominational superintendents of the denomina- 
tions represented in the territory, the state or corresponding 
bodies of which were willing to cooperate. In some states 
not more than five or six denominations were associated in 
such agencies; but in Montana there were eleven, and in 
western Washington there were twenty-six. 

Several denominational agencies, including examples of 
both types, failed to survive, and others experienced periods 
of inactivity ; for in some states their situation was rendered 
precarious by intense denominational spirit. Much de- 
pended upon the attitudes of the individual denominational 
superintendents, who were changed frequently; and some- 
times a man ready to codperate was followed by one un- 
willing to do so. 


COMPARISON OF THE Two Types oF AGENCIES 


Each of the types of state interdenominational organiza- 
tions was claimed to have its particular advantages and draw- 
backs when considered as an agency for codrdinating united 


278 UNITED CHURCHES 


churches with the existing organization of religious forces. 
The state federations, it was pointed out, were more broadly 
representative in two respects: a larger number of denomina- 
tions usually cooperated through them; and not only were 
denominational officials included in them but elected repre- 
sentatives, both lay and ministerial, of the sectional denomi- 
national bodies. On the other hand, the action of a federa- 
tion was restricted in some states by the conservatism of 
some of the cooperating bodies. 

For the home-missions council it was claimed, aren that 
as the denominational superintendents received salary and 
traveling expenses from the denominations for work that 
naturally included meetings of such agencies, they were 
more likely to be able and willing to attend; secondly, that 
they had so much influence over the churches that they could 
actually effectuate measures agreed upon. Again, the de- 
nominational superintendents belonging to agencies of this 
kind were naturally of denominations disposed to engage in 
cooperation. On the other hand, the charge was made that 
through a home-missions council the denominational super- 
intendents approached the problems of competition as in- 
terested agents each for his own denomination, so that they 
were likely to consider not so much the good of communities 
as the retaining or the increasing of denominational advan- 
tages. 


KInps oF ADJUSTMENT 


The rest of the chapter will be devoted to describing 
various ways in which the interdenominational agencies 
worked toward codrdination between the united churches 
and the existing religious order. 


INTERDENOMINATIONAL COOPERATION 


Through these organizations representatives of different 
denominations undertook as joint enterprises such tasks as 
religious ministries to neglected groups, social legislation, 
cooperative evangelism, and the guardianship of public 


INTERDENOMINATIONAL AGENCIES 279 


morals. In so doing they discussed the problems involved as 
common problems which all faced, not as rivals but as fel- 
low workers. The unsolicited publicity afforded the activi- 
ties of these agencies by newspapers and other periodicals 
tended to foster a similar attitude in the public in general. 
The interdenominational agencies themselves also issued 
publications, ranging from an occasional bulletin to a weekly 
paper, which were designed to promote the spirit of co- 
operation both among denominational leaders and in the 
public at large. 


PRINCIPLES OF COMITY 


Moreover, this change of public sentiment was fostered 
by the interdenominational agencies in more direct ways. 
Since to lessen competition between struggling churches was 
-avowedly one of the chief reasons for their existence, they 
early prepared principles of comity intended to direct the 
policies of the denominational bodies. Fundamental among 
these principles was one against the entrance by any de- 
nomination into a field already occupied, without previous 
consultation with the representatives of the denomination or 
denominations already present. This principle the interde- 
nominational agencies endeavored to put into practical opera- 
tion. Sometimes they accomplished this by means of arbi- 
tration. Through activities of this kind over a period of 
twenty years there was induced in Massachusetts, it was 
stated in one of the bulletins of the Federation, “such a spirit 
of comity ... that such cases [new cases of competition] 
are now rare.” ? 


ALLOCATION 


Home-missions councils, especially in home-mission areas 
containing much unchurched territory, attempted to attain 
the same end through the allocation of fields. A given field 
was often allocated to the denomination first on the ground. 
Territory largely unoccupied was assigned to the denomina- 


2 Bulletin No. 4, Revised Jan., 1922. 


280 UNITED CHURCHES 


tion the location of whose existing work rendered it best 
qualified to render service effectually and economically. | 
Allocation presupposed that allotted communities should 
have united churches of the denominational type, with either 
open or associate membership. Large sections of certain far 
Western states had been allocated. For example, allocation 
on a large scale has been practiced with considerable success 
by the Denominational Superintendents’ Council of Southern 
California. The efforts of the council found a peculiarly 
favorable environment because the communities were new, 
so that the interdenominational agency could influence them 
before competing churches had become established ; because 
the period of development came after sectarian spirit had 
begun to decline; and, finally, because there had been allo- 
cated to each of the denominations in the field so much more 
territory than it could possibly cultivate that there was no 
room for rivalry. 


ATTEMPTS TO REMOVE COMPETITION 


“To remove existing cases of duplication,” reported the 
Massachusetts Federation of Churches,® “is a more difficult 
task.” How this Federation endeavored to accomplish their 
task was explained in the same bulletin, as follows: 


Disclaiming any authority, the Federation has sought to “keep 
the facts before the churches, till the churches change the facts.” 4 


SURVEYS 


Competition was frequently brought to light and public 
opinion was excited against it through the survey of churches 
and communities on a county scale. Many such surveys 
were made under the Interchurch World Movement. Those | 
thus begun in Ohio were completed by the State Council of 
Churches. The home-missions councils of seven western 
states, with the cooperation of officials of the national organ- 
ization, conducted so-called team-surveys of their areas. On 


8 Bulletin No. rr, Revised Jan., 1922. 
4 Ibid. 


INTERDENOMINATIONAL AGENCIES 281 


these occasions several groups of denominational superin- 
tendents, having divided the state or other area among them, 
visited in automobiles every community within their respec- 
tive districts. The findings were reported immediately 
afterwards at a joint conference of all the teams; and upon 
these findings were based exchanges of fields, allocations, 
and other adjustments. 


AID IN THE FORMATION OF UNIONS 


Many state interdenominational agencies promoted de- 
nominational united churches, opposing unions of any other 
type. In several far-western states, undenominational 
churches were aided by interdenominational agencies in 
choosing a denomination and in becoming allied with it, a 
committee of the state organization even going, in several 
instances, to the community to give assistance. Several 
home-missions councils, as was said in a preceding chap- 
ter, endeavored to confine the use of the title “community 
church” to united churches of the denominational type that 
were alone in their respective communities. 

Few interdenominational agencies fostered unions of the 
other types. The agencies of Massachusetts, of Connecticut, 
and of Vermont, however, all took the initiative in the pro- 
motion of federated churches, and the same course was fol- 
lowed in a few other states. The Massachusetts Federation 
distributed a letter “to 64 churches in 101 communities 
where there seemed to be overlapping.” 5 The report con- 
tinues : 


In these places, five adjustments were reported within six 
months. Altogether four new union churches have been formed, 
four pairs of churches have united as a denominational church, 
and in thirty-five cases churches of different denominations, each 
maintaining legal identity and denominational connection, form 
“a federated church” as one congregation. 


The Vermont Conference of Superintendents and Sec- 
retaries, moreover, repeatedly studied all the competitive 
situations in that state and made systematic efforts to bring 

5 Ibid. 


282 UNITED CHURCHES 


competing local religious forces together. Of ninety-two 
fields, dealt with almost wholly within the ten years ending 
Jan. I, 1925, in only nine was there complete failure to 
reduce competition. 

In Ohio, local problems of competition were handled in 
connection with county councils of churches, which in the 
light of the county surveys suggested unions through ex- 
change and through federation, and which also brought to- 
gether in conference the local leaders of the churches and 
the denominational officials concerned. 

Certain state agencies provided churches considering union 
with standard forms of articles of agreement. The Massa- 
chusetts Federation of Churches distributed a form of this 
kind very widely, numerous requests for it coming even 
from other states. The Vermont agency supplied several 
different forms suited to each of several forms of federa- 
tion recommended. The influence toward federation was 
also exerted in New England through correspondence and 
through visitation. 


COMPETITIVE HOME-MISSION AID 


Through a few state interdenominational agencies, de- 
nominational representatives compared notes regarding 
home-mission aid, thus discovering where aid was granted 
to one of two or more competitive churches, where it was 
given to two or more churches in the same community, and 
what amount was provided in each case. Sometimes this 
was done by the representatives themselves sitting about a 
table. In one instance, the secretary of the interdenomina- 
tional agency requested the data on home-mission aid from 
the superintendents and arranged a tabulation which he 
made available to all. 

In only a few states did the ofriciale approach home- 
mission aid in competitive situations as one problem com- 
mon to them all. Indeed, it was reported in one state that 
to form an interdenominational agency at all would have 
been impossible except on the understanding that the home- 
mission aid issue would not be raised. By the resulting 


INTERDENOMINATIONAL AGENCIES 283 


agency the granting of aid in competitive situations was at- 
tacked indirectly in two ways. Through the allocation of 
unchurched fields, work was assigned that, if properly done, 
would exhaust in grants to missionaries in non-competitive 
areas the home-mission funds put at the service of each 
sectional body by its overhead agencies. And the identity 
of the aided churches was made public by designating these 
churches—except for a few denominations not supplying 
the information—in a directory of the churches of the state 
published by the state home-missions council. What the 
result of these measures would be, remained to be seen. 
Certain interdenominational agencies sought to awaken 
public sentiment against new cases of competition through 
their publications. The Ohio Christian News, for example, 
stated when presenting “a few points that need wider ac- 
ceptance among the church people’ of the state, that 
“. . No church ought to give recognition to new mission 
projects which create new conditions of overchurching.” ® 


SUPERVISION OF UNITED CHURCHES 


The secretaries or the field men of a few state federa- 
tions, especially those of Massachusetts, Connecticut and 
Ohio, were endeavoring to give some measure of supervi- 
sion, Massachusetts having begun in 1925 to employ a special 
worker for this duty. Where the interdenominational 
agency was composed entirely of denominational superin- 
tendents, the amount of aid afforded depended on the degree 
of sympathy felt by individual officials for united churches, 
or for the form of union represented by a given church. In 
Vermont a federated church received fully as much assist- 
ance as a church of a single denomination, and perhaps 
more. In the far West denominational united churches were 
receiving considerable help. 

In consideration of the special needs of undenominational 
churches arising from their lack of overhead connection, the 
Massachusetts Federation for the twenty-three undenomina- 
tional churches of that state, thirteen of which were in town 


6 Ohio Christian News, Sept. 26, 1924. 


284 UNITED CHURCHES 


and country area, performed services of four different kinds: | 
It held for them thirteen annual conferences. It published 
concerning them statistics parallel to those published by the 
major denominations concerning their local churches. It 
afforded them help in finding ministers. And, finally, it 
gave them advice on request. 

In many states, however, the supervision of united 
churches by interdenominational agencies was _ lacking. 
United churches frequently showed a desire for help of this 
kind. Many undenominational churches, and a considerable 
number of federated churches as well, expressed the sense of 
needing advice and help, and the preference that these things 
should come not from a single denominational board—an 
arrangement which to them symbolized division—but either 
from the denominational superintendents in question acting 
jointly, or from some unified interdenominational agency. 
A similar desire was sometimes expressed by churches on the 
point of combining their forces. In a discussion sheet pre- 
pared locally for use at a mass meeting to consider the 
federation of the churches, there was suggested a conference 
between the supervisory officers of the denominations con- 
cerned. The constitution of another church contained the 
following provision for. joint supervision: 


Representatives of the general organizations of the federating 
churches are requested to work out the details of a plan of 
supervision, in which each will codperate in furthering the inter- 
ests of the entire Community Church rather than merely of one 
of the federating churches. 


Nevertheless the overhead officials did not provide such 
joint supervision. 

Several undenominational churches in the far West 
showed a tendency to adopt as an overhead the state home- 
missions council. In Massachusetts an undenominational 
church provided in its constitution for arbitration by the sec- 
retary of the state federation of churches, as follows: 


In case any question shall arise under these articles which the 
pastor and the Official Board are unable to decide, they shall 
lay the question before the Field Secretary of the Massachusetts 
Federation of Churches for advice. 


INTERDENOMINATIONAL AGENCIES 285 


Some interdenominational leaders felt that the need of 
united churches for supervision could best be met by an 
interdenominational agency of a new kind. The Home Mis- 
sions Council of Colorado, for example, proposed to the 
state bodies of the denominations represented a detailed plan 
for a “Church League of Colorado,” the members of which 
should be appointed by the state bodies, and which should 
function as the overhead body both for undenominational 
churches and for any others applying for such a relationship. 
This proposal was not adopted. 

A still more radical plan was suggested at a meeting of the 
Vermont Conference of Superintendents and Secretaries in 
December, 1924. It was presented at the end of a compre- 
hensive report of what had been achieved in ten years in 
unifying churches in small communities, and of what re- 
mained to be done. The suggestion was made through the 
following questions: 


Is a complete union of these three denominations in Vermont 
desirable? 

It took twenty years of study and conference in Canada to 
bring about union between the Congregationalists, Methodists 
and Presbyterians. Is it worth while in Vermont to begin such 
a series of discussions, whether the desirability of complete union 
is admitted or not? 

Is it not probable that the large union of the national bodies 
will be preceded, if it ever comes, by pioneer work on the part 
of the state? and does not the present fine friendship lay the 
ground unusually well for at least a study of its possibilities in 
Vermont ? 


The desire for an interdenominational supervisory body 

was expressed by Dr. Alfred W. Anthony, when Executive 

Secretary of the national Home Missions Council, at the end 
of a set of “Principles of Comity,” as follows: 


A seventh principle must sometime be formulated. Churches 
which grow up within communities and are undenominational in 
character, must be related to some overhead interdenominational 
body which will furnish them the desired fellowship, overhead 
supervision, ministerial supply, educational and inspirational 
help, and missionary outlets—Home and Foreign—which de- 
nominations furnish, 


~ 


Chapter XVIII 
FINDINGS 


In conclusion, the principal findings of the study will be 
here briefly summarized. 

Since 1910, united churches of four different types have 
increased rapidly in number throughout the town and coun- 
try area of the northern and western parts of the United 
States. 

All over this field, moreover, many small communities 
having competitive churches were found to be considering 
union. 

Most of the organized churches entering into unions rep- 
resented Protestant denominations of two types, the immer- 
sionist type and another here denominated the numerically 
predominant type. 

Within these types, the elements of formally organized 
united churches belonged in a large majority of cases to 
four major denominations, to the Northern Baptist among 
immersionist denominations, and among denominations 
numerically predominant, to the Congregational, to the 
Methodist Episcopal and to the Presbyterian in the U.S.A. 
Three other immersionist denominations, eight other de- 
nominations of the predominant type, three liturgical de- 
nominations, and one emotional denomination were also 
represented organically in one or in a few united churches. 

These elements were usually found united in two differ- 
ent combinations: immersionist elements with elements of 
the predominant type, and predominant with predominant. 

The rise of united churches frequently brought to light 
cleavages between conservative individuals and those less 
conservative, and between those favoring and those opposing 
emotional types of religious experience. These cleavages 
resulted in realignment for purposes of worship and of 


church work. 
286 


FINDINGS 287 


United churches enlisted as members individuals from 
more than fifty denominations, including, besides the pre- 
dominant and the immersionist denominations, liturgical 
bodies, emotional groups, and even the Catholic, the Hebrew, 
and the Mormon faiths, the Church of Christ Scientist, and 
the Spiritualist. People of very different opinions worked 
and worshiped together harmoniously and effectively. 

United churches of all types, when compared statistically 
with churches of the traditional kind, ranked higher in 
several particulars usually accepted as tests of efficiency. 
But with respect to benevolences, united churches were not 
so strong as strictly denominational churches. 

Among the types of united churches, however, unde- 
nominational churches in town and country, lacking the 
supervision received by denominational churches, ranked 
comparatively low, when judged by the usual tests. The 
-undenominational church, moreover, though the form of 
union most easily adopted by local people, showed in rarer 
instances the ability to survive as an efficient organization. 

United churches were showing vigor and resource in 
solving through the method of trial and error their many 
peculiar problems with respect to organization, property, 
basis of membership, and the like ; and most of them, through 
these common endeavors, were becoming more closely 
united. 

Many communities having a fairly homogeneous popula- 
tion largely representing the numerically predominant and 
the immersionist denominations, had a united church and 
no church besides this; but, on the other hand, a consider- 
able number of such communities had in addition to a united 
church one or more other churches representing the same 
type or types of denominations. Considerable groups of the 
population representing other types of denominations tended 
to have their own churches. 

United churches made their appearance in a world where 
the religious forces were already organized in denominational 
bodies, many of which had developed highly standardized 
methods of procedure. Efforts to codrdinate the united 
churches and the existing religious order were made both 


288 UNITED CHURCHES 


by the denominations and by state interdenominational 
agencies. 

Many denominational and interdenominational officials, 
local leaders of united churches, and national leaders of the 
community-church movement were convinced that united 
churches needed an overhead connection, and also that there 
was danger lest efforts to meet this need should result in 
starting a new denomination. 

Some of these leaders were coming to believe that de- 
nominational bodies, especially those whose churches most 
commonly united in formal unions, should establish an inter- 
denominational agency of state-wide or national scope, the 
function of which should be to perform for all united 
churches not closely connected with a single denomination 
the services commonly rendered to strictly denominational 
churches by their overhead agencies. 


APPENDIX 


TABLES 
TABLE I—DISTRIBUTION OF UNITED CHURCHES 
BY REGIONS 
Denominational 

Region All types nited 

No. % oO. 0 
PROtaleeetina ts aie eceie 5 977 100.0 528 100.0 
Northern Colonial 277 284 87 16.5 
Middle West..... 371) .38.0:. 180°. 135.2 
Mountain. <2:.3:.. TAG V0 S224) 125 a7 
Pacific ..sseeeees 180 18.4 130 24.6 


289 


Federated 
0. %o 
312 100.0 
151 48.4 
1257 140.1 
12 3.8 
Poy 


Undenomina- 
tional 

oO. % 
137 100.0 
39 «28.5 
60 8643.8 
12 8.7 
26 19.0 


290 


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291 


APPENDIX 


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292 UNITED CHURCHES 


TABLE IV—AVERAGE TOTAL MEMBERSHIP OF UNITED 
CHURCHES AND OF STRICTLY DENOMINA- 
TIONAL CHURCHES 


United © Strictly Denominational : 
7 Small 
In 179 Counties $ In 140 Vil- 
Region Dt F U Country Village Villages § lages § 

No. of Churches 383 189 68 3,329 1,788 639 145 

Totaliaatet ces PA LOG it Zen ed LS 72 108. 157 146 

Northern Colonial. 112 133 icaO7 Lid N12 ves 

Middle West...... 120 225 lI 77 124 169 124 

Mountains ese. 4 00'o yeah [Reese 84 81 
Pacific ...... PO ay ahr a Hat 48 Mea aes 


* Because of their independent origins, the various data in this and in the 
following tables are not quite comparable in certain respects. In this table, 
for example, the churches for which the general average for total church- 
membership for the entire field was computed, included churches in the South. 
If these were eliminated, the average membership for the whole field would be 
152 instead of 157. There are also two differences in respect to regions. 
Though the Northern Colonial churches in the 179 Counties and in the 
Twenty-five Counties included churches in New England, ail those surveyed 
in the American Village Study were in the Middle Atlantic. And for the 
Village Study the Mountain and Pacific regions were treated as one. 

{In this table and in the tables to follow, D = denominational united 
churches; F = federated churches; U = undenominational churches. 

ee The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas (New York; Doran, 
1924), Pp. 50. 

Bake? from the American Village Study, a report of which will soon be 
published. 

|| Figures not printed because cases were too few. 


TABLE V—PROPORTION OF TOTAL MEMBERSHIP THAT 
IS RESIDENT AND THAT IS ACTIVE IN UNITED 


CHURCHES AND IN STRICTLY DENOMINATIONAL 
CHURCHES 


United Strictly Denominational 
n 
5 In 179 Counties * 140 Vil- 
Membership D F U All Country Village lagest 


No. of Churches 11 25 II 5,552 3,329 1,788 639 


Per cent. Resident.. 79.6 786 802 871 -— — 82.0 
Per cent. Active.... 74.3 51.9 76.1 72.5$ 60.0 75.0 73.0 


* Brunner, The Town and Country Church in the United States (New York; 
Doran, 1923), pp. 57 and 58. 
Data from the American Village Study. 


¢ From unprinted data gathered in connection with the study of successful 
churches. 


APPENDIX 293 


TABLE VI—TOTAL EXPENDITURES OF UNITED 
CHURCHES AND OF STRICTLY DENOMI- 
NATIONAL CHURCHES 


United Strictly Denominational 


n 
In Farm- 
In25 In140 47Small ing 
Coun- Vil- Vil- Vil- 
Region D F U ties* lagest lagest lagest 
No.of Churches 383 OI 55 1,03I 679 145 331 


$ Ps Bi $ $$ 


PER CHURCH 


OPAL tate sid oi chai 2,813 2,867 2,565 1,311 2,200§ 2,415 1,470 
Northern 
Colonial 2,970 2,463 \| 2,572 + 1,570 
Middle West... 2,587 inf II 2,572 2,016 
Mountain ...... 2,357 | 
tg lone a PLeeaR Mi 3,411 II HI 1,937 1,839 


PER MEMBER { 


Total ........... 26.90 17.26 21.00 15.51 15.03 16.53 11.74 
Northern 


Colonial 26.57 22.46 13.66 
Middle West... 21.49 15.08 16.30 
Mountain ...... 24.55 \| 22.73 
SACITIC It bis iced 2 42.10 || ; 


* Morse, The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas, p. 80; the figure 
$17.81 is on the basis of resident membership. 

+ Data from American Village Study. 

t Fry, Diagnosing the Rural Church (New York; Doran, 1924)5: De. 154: 
These farming villages are all in the Middle West. 

If the southern white and colored churches are eliminated, the average 
expenditure for the whole field is (for 500 churches) $2,562—a little less than 
12 per cent. higher. 

| Figures not printed because cases were too few. 

{In this table and in others to follow, except where it is otherwise specified, 
per capitas are based on total membership. The figure for farming villages is 
based on resident membership. 


294: UNITED CHURCHES 


TABLE VII—AVERAGE LOCAL EXPENDITURES OF 
UNITED CHURCHES AND OF STRICTLY 
DENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES 

United Strictly Denominational 
In47 Farm- 
Tn 25 In 140 Small ing 


Coun- Vil- Vil- Vil- 
Region D F U_ities* lagest lagesft lagesft 


No. of Churches 383 6r 55 1,031 670 TAS a ae 
$ $ $ $ $ $ $ 


PER CHURCH 
Total Hi Rag sree gh 2,306 2,224 2,300 913 1,501§ 1,665 1,015 
Northern 
Colonial 2,419 1,835 I| 1,655 1,046 
Middle West ... 2,215 2,660 II 1,827. 1,539 
Mountain ...... 2,088 || II 
PACHIC Wd s'lals ieee 2,910 II | 1,423 1,405 
PER MEMBER 
TL OLE Lite matasetaleltiala 22.92 13.39 18.83 10.60 10.24 11.40 810] 
Northern 


Colonial 21.64 16.73 I| 
Middle West ... 18.40 11.75 | 
Mountain ...... 21.74 II II 
Baie oie: hts 35.91 || iI 


* Calculated from data on pages 80 and 81 of The Social Survey in Town 

and Country Areas. The per capitas there given are for resident members. 
Data from American Village Study. 

t Diagnosing the Rural Church, p. 154. 

§If the southern churches, white and colored, are eliminated, the average 
local expenditure is $1,750. 

| Figures not printed because cases were too few. 

{On basis of resident membership. 


295 


APPENDIX 


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296 UNITED CHURCHES 


TABLE IX—AVERAGE BENEVOLENCES OF UNITED > 
CHURCHES AND OF STRICTLY DENOMI- 
NATIONAL CHURCHES 


United Strictly wet a she 
n 
In 47 Farm- 
In25 In140 Small ing 
Coun- Vil- Vil- Vil- 
Region D F UU ties* lagest lagest lagest 


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$ $ $ § $ $ $ 


PER CHURCH 
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Northern Colonial 551 514 | 916 524 
Spang hea Pe 372 676 i 745 477 
OUNILAIT ce slo's ahs 270 575 
PACIG pouio tic y ahs Olen as | Sanh Ses 
PER MEMBER 
AD Otah Mimiils Soe die 933.98 903.84" (2.171) 401) 1470 5.13 magem 
Northern Colonial 4.93 4.20 || 
Middle West..... 3.090 3.58 I| 
Mountain ies 2.81 | | 
PACHIG Wali, Ge eheistaet 6.19 ll II 


* The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas. The figure $5.64, p. 80, 
is based on resident membership. 

f Data from American Village Study. 

£ Diagnosing the Rural Church, p. 154. 

8 If the Southern churches were eliminated, the figure for the whole field 
would be $731. 

| Figures not printed because cases were too few. 

On basis of resident membership. 


APPENDIX 297 


TABLE X—PROPORTION OF TOTAL EXPENDITURE DE- 
VOTED TO BENEVOLENCES BY UNITED CHURCHES 
AND BY STRICTLY DENOMINATIONAL CHURCHES 


United Strictly Denominational 


n 47 
In25 In140 Small Suc- 
Coun- Vil- Vil- cessful 
Region D F U_ties* lagest lages{ Ch’ch’st 


No. of Churches 383 61 55 1,031 679 145 40 
3 Jo %o Y Yo % To Jo 


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Northern Colonial 18.6 25.5 ey Nine ga tite Guleaiake kw 
Middle West..... 14.40 221 La She 20.00 124.6 
Mountain ....06.. II.4 | | at BES 
Pacittcog cosh ts vas 14.7 I 323 5 3 


* The Social Survey in Town and Country Areas, p. 81. 


7 Data from the American Village Study, a report of which is soon to be 
published. 


t Tested Methods in Town and Country Churches, p. 117. 


§ If Southern churches are eliminated, the per cent. of benevolences is 28.5. 
| Figures not printed because cases were too few. 


UNITED CHURCHES 


298 


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INDEX 


Acknowledgments, xvi 
Adjustments 
assistance in 
unions, 257 
attitudes toward union, 252 
by state interdenominational 
agencies, 275 
exchange of fields, 255 
home-mission aid, 264 
aid in competitive situa- 
tions, 268 
fostering united churches 
through grants, 269 
policies, 264 
sources of 
264 
ministerial supply, 260 
Opposition to union of any 
kind, 253 
organization and adminis- 
tration, 258 


forming 


information, 


recognition only of the 
denominational united 
church, 253 

supervision of federated 


churches, 262 
Administrative agency, 146 
Agencies, interdenominational, 

275 

adjustment by, 275 
comparison of two types of, 

277 

history, 275 
kinds of adjustment, 278 
aid. in formation of 

unions, 281 


299 


Agencies, interdenominational, 
kinds of adjustment, 
allocation, 279 
attempts to remove com- 
petition, 280 
competitive home-mission 
aid, 282 
interdenominational _co- 
operation, 278 
principles of comity, 279 
supervision of united 
churches, 283 
surveys, 280 
Allocation, 279 
Alumni Christian Endeavor, 
213 
American Conference of Unde- 
nominational Churches, 


30 
Anthony, Dr. Alfred W., 285 
Autonomy, 142 
Auxiliary organizations, 150 


Baptism, 170 
Benevolences, 51, 71, 94, I19, 
234, 272 
average per church, 120 
per capita, 121 
characteristic difficulties in 
obtaining, 243 
adoption of fields 
workers, 245 
anti-denominational spirit, 


. vip . . ° 
interdenominational spirit, 


243 


and 


300 


Benevolences, characteristic 
difficulties in obtaining, 
loyalty to form of union, 
244 
choice of agencies, 
agencies of a single de- 
nomination, 239 
of two or more denomi- 
nations, 240 
affiliated churches 
federated churches 
undenominational 
churches, 241 
difficulties, 235 
federated churches, 236 
undenominational 
churches, 235 
methods of raising money 
a budgeted total, 237 
auxiliary | organizations, 
238 
collections, 238 
income from investments, 


238 

individual subscriptions, 
237 

interdenominational and 
undenominational 
causes, 242 


local objects, 243 
summary, 246 
Budget 
proportion of benevolences 
in, II9 
local, 116 
average per church, 116 


non-member subscribers, 
119 
salaries, 117 
total, 114 
average expenditure of 
church, 114 


per capita, 114 


UNITED CHURCHES 


Building, loss of a, 134 


Campaigns, building, 190 
Children, worship for, 166 
Choir, the, 166 
Christian Science, 70, 90 
Church of God, 70 
Church union, movement 
toward, vii _ [viti 
why it should be studied, 
Churches 
adjustment, by the denomi- 
nations, 249 
affiliated, 98 
characteristics, 105 
origin, IOI 
summary, I07 
those formed by union of 
churches, 104 
those formerly undenomi- 
national, 103 
those originally affiliated, 
104 
auxiliary organizations, 150 
average expenditure, I14 
baptism, 170 
benevolences, I19, 272 
changes from one type to 
another, 126 
changing public sentiment, 
134 
choir, the, 166 
communion service, 169 
“community,” use of title, 
232 
community where no, com- 
bine denominational 
origins, I31! 
communities with 
church, 132 
communities without, 132 
communities with two or 
more, 133 


one 


INDEX 301 


Churches, 


comparisons, I09 
constitution, 137 


decision regarding union, 
137 . . . 

denominational statistics, 
271 


denominational united, 80 
associate membership, 91 
benevolences, 94 
how they arose, 82 
where no church, 82 
where one church, 83 
where two or more 
churches, 83 

local expenditures, 92 

membership, 88 

number and distribution, 
85 

origins, 89 

tendencies, 96 

when they arose, 85 

evangelism, 215 

federated, the, 35 
benevolences, 51, 236 
denominations of units, 


financial problems, 178 

growth or decline, 42 

immersionist units, 45 

local expenditure, 47 

membership, 41 

minister, 54 

nine points of usage, 56 

number and distribution, 
38 

organization, 45 

property, 53 

salary, 50 

small units, 44 

sources of information, 


37 


Churches, federated, the, 


subordinate organizations, 
55 
tendencies, 58 
finances, 175 
guardianship of morals, 217 
hymn books, 165 
informal cooperation be- 
tween pastorates, 134 
initiative in union move- 
ments, 136 
joint committee, the, 136 
decision of, regarding 
union, 137 
loss of a building, 134 
mid-week meeting, 168 
minister, 166 
new phenomena, 122 
not usually classified as 
Protestant 
Christian Science, 70, 90 
Holy Rollers, 77 
Mormonism, 70, 90 
Nazarene, 70, 77 
New Thought, 70 
Roman Catholic, 70, 90 
Spiritualism, 70 
Theosophy, 70 
only one in community, 223 
organization, 138 
organization of united, in 
general, 142 
administrative agency, 146 
chairman, 149 
frequency of meetings, 
149 
length of service, 148 


methods of selection, 
147 

name, 146 

number of members, 
147 


autonomy, 142 


302 


Churches, organization of 
united, in general, 
coordination, 149 
democratic versus repre- 


sentative government, 
144 

non-member constituency, 
143 


specialization, 149 
per capita expenditure, I14 
personal work, 216 
property, 179 

acquiring a unified plant, 


185 
difficulties, 179 
methods under divided 
ownership, 181 
property considerations 


cementing union, 192 
public meetings, 136 
realignment, 228 
religious training during the 

week, 215 
salaries, 117 
secular ministries, 218 
service to the community, 

207 
services of reception, 171 
special services, 172 
Sunday evening service, 167 
Sunday school, 208 
undenominational, 60 

benevolences, 71, 235 

denominational origins, 69 

development, 63 

distribution, 66 

ministers, 71 

statistics, 67 

strength and weakness, 73 

tendencies, 78 
united, 23 

attitude toward 

churches, 230 


other 


UNITED CHURCHES 


Churches, united, 
denominations represented, 
226 
development of, 23 


in 1924, 27 


number alone in com- 
munity, 223 
number -with other 


churches, 224 
realignment, 228 
rise of, 24 
worship for children, 166 
Collections, 238 
Comity, principles of, 279 
Competition, removal of, 280 
Communities [unions, 135 


abortive and incomplete 

churches alone in com- 
munity, 223, 224 

informal codperation be- 


tween pastorates, 134 
number of united churches 
with other churches in, 
224 
service of church to, 207 
with one church, 132 
without a church, 132 
with two or more churches, 
133 
Communion service, 169 
Community church, definition 
of, 60 
“Community Church,” use of 
title, 232 
Community Churchman, 30 
Community Church Workers, 
the, 30 
Congregational Year-Book, x, 
98, 107 
Constituency, non-member, 143 
Constitution, 137 
Coordination, 149 
Correspondence, xii 


INDEX 


LF Ara ON SCAN be 

Distribution of churches, 111 

Denominational origins, 69 

Denominational united 
churches, 123 (see also 
under “Churches’’) 

Denominations joining united 
churches, 226 


Education of ministers, 198 
Elimination of parts of creed, 
155 
Episcopalians, special services 
for. 173 
Essentiality in religious faith, 
155 
Evangelism, 215 
services, 216 
Evangelistic services, 173 
Expenditures, 114, 116 
local, 92 


Federated Churches, 124 (see 
also under “Churches’’) 
benevolences, difficulty of, 
236 
methods of membership, 156 
organization of, 138 
constitution, I41 
denominational versus fed- 
erated machinery, 140 
informal partnerships, 139 
joint committee, 140 
leadership from one de- 
nomination, 142 
Field Surveys, xiii 
Finances, 175 
federated church, 46 
problems of _ federated 
churches, 178 
Findings, 286 


Government, democratic versus 
representative, 144 


303 


“Holy Rollers,” 77 
Home-mission aid, saving of, 
265 
number of churches aided, 
265 
saving in money distributed, 
266 
Hymn Books, 165 


Improvements to church build- 
ings, 185 

Incorporation, 186 

Interchurch World Movement, 
25 

Interviews, xiii 

Investments, income from, 238 


Joint Committee, 136 
decision regarding union, 


Pun PM 
Junior Endeavor, 213 


Lay readers, 205 
Leaders, training of, 214 
Leadership, 193 
the minister, 193 (see also 
under ‘“Minister’’) 
Lease on church property, 186 


Mail schedules, xi 
Maps, xiii 
Masons, the, 173 
Membership, 88, 111 
additions, 113 
average, III 
basis of, 153 
proportion of members resi- 
dent, 113 
sex of members, 113 
methods of, peculiar to cer- 
tain churches, 155 
denominational united, 157 
federated, 156 


304 


Membership, methods of, pecul- 
iar to certain churches, 
undenominational, 155 
principles, 154 
Methodist Episcopal General 
Conference, vii, 30 
Mid-week meeting, 168 
“Millennial Dawn,” 90 
Ministers, 54, 166 
amount of ministerial serv- 
ice, 199 
attitudes of, 194 
characteristics of, 204 
conflicting leadership, 205 
denomination of the, 196 
effects of change of, 203 
factors determining supply, 
193 
full-time, 201 
lay readers and, 205, 206 
length of pastorate, 201 
made by appointment, 195 
preparation of, 198 
education, 198 
experience, 198 
previous experience with 
United Churches, 199 
qualities desired in, 195 
resident, 199 
salary offered, 193 
supply of, 260 
undenominational church, 71 
Minutes of the General As- 
sembly, 258 
Miscellaneous services, 173 
Morals, guardianship of, 217 
Mormonism, 70, 90 


Names, why not used, xv 
of persons, Xv 
of places, xv 
Nazarenes, the, 70, 77 
New Thought, 70 


UNITED CHURCHES 


Odd Fellows, the, 173 
Officers, 150 
Ohio Christian News, 283 
Option in religious belief, 155 
Organization, 138 

changes-in, I5I 

federated church, 45 


Pastorates, informal coopera- 
tion between, 134 
Phenomena, new, 122 
Pioneer of a New Era, 30 
Preaching services, 163 
Presbyterian General Assem- 
bly, vii, 30 
“Principles of Comity,” 285 
Problems of churches, 131 
Property, church, 53 . 
acquiring a unified plant, 
185 
building campaigns, 190 
combination of buildings, 
189 
incorporation, 186 
lease, 186 
new buildings, 189 
obtaining title from over- 
head agencies, 187 
ownership, 186 
quitclaim deed, 157 
safeguarding separate in- 
terests, 190 
considerations 
union, 192 
difficulties, 179 
divided associations, 181 
overhead ownership, 179. 
results, 181 
the dead hand, 180 
methods under divided own- 
ership, 181 
alternate use of buildings, 
182 


cementing 


INDEX 


Property, church, methods un- 
der divided ownership, 
choice of building for 
worship, 183 
one building supplements 
another, 183 
repairs and improvements, 
185 
specialized uses of extra 
buildings, 184 
Public meetings, 136 
Public sentiment, 133 
Quitclaim deed, 187 
Racial groups, services for, 
172 
Roman Catholic Church, 70, 90 
Realignment, 228 
Reception, services of, 171 


Religious training during 
week, 215 
Repairs to church property, 


185 


Salary, 117 

federated church, 50 
Secular ministries, 218 

in larger communities, 219 

in small communities, 218 
Services 

communion, 169 

evangelistic, 173 

for episcopalians, 173 

for racial groups, 172 

miscellaneous, 173 

of reception, 171 

special, 172 

Sunday evening, 167 
Specialization, 149 
Spiritualism, 70 
Statistical cards, xii 
Statistical tables, xii 


305 


Statistics, 67 
denominational, 271 
Study, the 
how made, x 
objectives of, ix 
the field of, x 
Sunday evening services, 167 
Sunday preaching services, 163 
Sunday schools, 208 
literature, 211 
religious training during the 
week, 215 
training of leaders, 214 
union of, 210 
young peoples societies, 213 
Surveys, 280 


Tables, 289-298 
Theosophy, 70 


Undenominational churches, 
125 (see also under 
“Churches’’) 

benevolences, difficulty of, 
235 

methods of membership, 
155 

Unions, church 

abortive and incomplete, 
135 


aid in formation of, 281 

assistance in forming, 257 

decision regarding, 137 

initiative in movements of, 
136 

list of cases of, x 

movement toward, vii 

why it should be studied, 
viii 

Umty Messenger, 30 


Vagueness in religious faith, 
155 


306 UNITED CHURCHES 


Worship, services of, 163 Young Men’s Christian Asso- 
ciation, 174 
Year Book of the Churches, Young peoples societies, 213 
70 Young Women’s Christian 
Association, 174 


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